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1865 AD (search for this): chapter 14
hest authority. But whether succeeding or failing, he established a sentiment and promulgated doctrines of duty and right which for all time will be the hope and protection of the African race. A resolution of inquiry into the sale of United States arms to France by the war department during the Franco-Prussian war brought on a sharp and somewhat prolonged contest between Sumner and Schurz on the one hand and the partisans of the Administration on the other. Our government had on hand in 1865 a large amount of materials of war,—some unserviceable by reason of new inventions, and others superfluous in time of peace. The statutes of 1825 and 1868 authorized the sale of arms, ammunition, and stores which were damaged or otherwise unsuitable, and the war department extended these terms to cover arms which were in excess of the needs of a peace establishment. The Secretary of War (Belknap) proceeded to reduce the stock on hand, and was doing so at the breaking out of the Franco-Pruss
1856 AD (search for this): chapter 14
Works, vol. XV. p. 79); and the discontinuance of the internal revenue bureau, with the tribe of officeholders which it imposed on the country,—introducing a bill for the purpose, Dec. 11, 1871, March 21, 26, and June 4, 1872 (Globe, pp. 45, 46, 1856, 1857, 1977, 4217). This effort was approved by the New York Herald, Dec. 11, 1871, and the New York World, December 12. He pushed his measure at his two remaining sessions. Dec. 12, 1872 (Globe, pp. 144, 145), Dec. 17, 1873, Jan. 6, 1874 (Globehe was made one of The Senatorial Cabal. In another—and this was perhaps a fair hit—he was Robinson Crusoe turning his back on his man Friday. In another, he was kneeling at and placing flowers on the grave of Preston S. Brooks, his assailant in 1856. This brought out a manly outburst from Sumner, who said when told of it, What have I to do with that poor creature? It was slavery, not he, who struck the blow! After his speech against the President, May 31, he was represented as holding a br<
1857 AD (search for this): chapter 14
, p. 390); the limitation of a day's labor to eight hours in national work-shops,—a measure not favored by him at first, but which he thought should now have a fair trial,—Dec. 12,14, 1871, and April 26, 1872 (Globe, pp. 69, 70, 124, 2804-2806; Works, vol. XV. p. 79); and the discontinuance of the internal revenue bureau, with the tribe of officeholders which it imposed on the country,—introducing a bill for the purpose, Dec. 11, 1871, March 21, 26, and June 4, 1872 (Globe, pp. 45, 46, 1856, 1857, 1977, 4217). This effort was approved by the New York Herald, Dec. 11, 1871, and the New York World, December 12. He pushed his measure at his two remaining sessions. Dec. 12, 1872 (Globe, pp. 144, 145), Dec. 17, 1873, Jan. 6, 1874 (Globe, pp. 249, 390). He wrote at this time, at the request of the publishers and the author, an introduction to an edition of Nasby's letters, April 1, 1872; Works, vol. XV. pp. 65-67. Sumner made at this session an earnest and determined effort to carry <
1880 AD (search for this): chapter 14
rs. He found American friends in Paris, who gave him a hearty welcome, Elliot C. Cowdin, 1819-1880. A. H. Bullock, Mr. Seligman, Samuel Johnson, J. Watson Webb, James Phalen, and G. W. Smalley. Mr free institutions. This ended the question of a third term in 1876; but it was revived again in 1880, when the scheme was supported by Conkling, Cameron, Logan, and Fish. The better sentiment of thty was needed to maintain order in the Southern States. Among Republicans openly protesting in 1880 against General Grant's candidacy were President Woolsey, Thurlow Weed, Murat Hastead, E. R. Hoar, 1880. No State was so fixed against a third term for General Grant as Massachusetts, where, in 1880, the Republican State convention by a large majority chose delegates to the national convention w pleaded most earnestly with Sumner to keep aloof from the secession of 1872, became a seceder in 1880, and supported Hancock against Garfield. Henry Ward Beecher, who was another of Sumner's critics
1879 AD (search for this): chapter 14
correspondent in the New York Tribune, Feb. 7, 1873. One day he passed at Chantilly, where the Due d'aumale, whom he had known in England, drove him in the grounds, and showed him in the chateau the gallery of the battles of Conde. Here he met again the Count of Paris, his visitor at Washington in the Civil War, and since then his correspondent. He received invitations to dine from M. de Caubert, dean of the civil tribunal of Rouen, and from his old friend Madame Mohl. M. Chevalier (1806-1879), then absent from Paris, expressed in a letter to Sumner his regret that they were not to meet. He had an interesting conversation with Gambetta; The New York Herald, Nov. 27. 1872, reports an interview with the senator, in which he conversed concerning Thiers, Gambetta, the French people, John Bright, and civil service reform. but while admiring the patriotism of that French leader, Sumner discerned his limitations. Gambetta said, What France most needs at the present tine is a Jefferso
1878 AD (search for this): chapter 14
John Bright, and civil service reform. but while admiring the patriotism of that French leader, Sumner discerned his limitations. Gambetta said, What France most needs at the present tine is a Jefferson; and the senator replied, You want first a Washington, and your Jefferson will come afterwards. A. H. Bullock's address at Brown University, June 15, 1875. Laboulaye, who expressed his satisfaction at meeting again the illustrious senator as he called him, gave his recollections written in 1878 from the College de France See New York Independent, Sept. 9, 1880.:— On his last trip to Paris, Mr. Sumner had a strong desire to see M. Gambetta, and he did not find it difficult to obtain an introduction to him through common friends. I dined with Mr. Sumner the day after this interview, and asked him what impression M. Gambetta had made on him. He replied as follows: I found an amiable, intelligent man, who appeared animated by the best motives; but it seemed to me that his polit
1877 AD (search for this): chapter 14
asked him for his resignation, neither then nor afterwards explaining to him why he took the step. This was stated to the writer by Mr. Jewell himself. and of the impeachment of Belknap, Secretary of War, for corruption in office, from whom the President parted with a too friendly acceptance of his resignation. Later Administrations,—those of Hayes, Garfield, Arthur, Cleveland, and Harrison,—have happily escaped the succession of scandals which distinguished the civil service from 1869 to 1877. The demoralization of that period is chargeable in some degree to war, which always brings vices in its train; but it was also due largely to the President's too good opinion of men of easy virtue and his lax treatment of them when they were found out. This came to be the opinion of the American people, who, ever grateful for his service in the army and ready to confer on him any military rank or emolument, were determined in the purpose not to prolong his civil administration by a third el
1876 AD (search for this): chapter 14
ogan, and after he had once decided to approve it; J. R. Young's Around the World with General Grant, vol. II. pp. 153, 154. but in civil administration it was not an improvement on the first, and it brought his party to the brink of defeat in 1876. It was the period of the Whiskey Ring conspiracy, in which he manifested more sympathy with Babcock, an indicted party, than with the prosecutors, Secretary Bristow and Solicitor Wilson; Ante, p. 429, note. The investigations concerning generalhree to eighteen, declaring that a departure from the time-honored custom [that of a President retiring after a second term] would be unwise, unpatriotic, and fraught with peril to our free institutions. This ended the question of a third term in 1876; but it was revived again in 1880, when the scheme was supported by Conkling, Cameron, Logan, and Fish. The better sentiment of the country was aroused against it, and it again failed, though this time materially aided by the idea that a strong m
1875 AD (search for this): chapter 14
ven for a day, she wrote: I cannot wish you to spoil your time of rest by a fatiguing journey, but I assure you it is a great disappointment to me. At last, as he sailed, she replied to his farewell letter in a note of plaintive tone: If the time has done you good, perhaps you will come again. I should not like to think I am not to meet you in this life again. God knows, and one is thankful. He alone knows the solemn future. From Chatsworth he went to Rochdale. Mr. Bright described, in 1875, his visit, thus:— His last night in England was spent at my house at Rochdale; we sat up till after midnight. The conversation, which I remember, was on many topics. Two of them I remember particularly. He spoke of the President and of the estrangement between them; of the San Domingo scheme, and of the offer to him of the mission to England as a proposition to shut his mouth on that question; and he gave me a printed paper with, I think, an unspoken speech or unpublished writing, de
January 29th (search for this): chapter 14
of his nature. Works, vol. XIV. pp. 417-473. Some senators became weary of the subject, and one of them (Hamlin) forgot his sense of propriety by rising, when Sumner was insisting on action before final adjournment, and asking, with a serious air, if it would be in order to sing Old Hundred before voting. This remark was at first left out of the Congressional Globe, but afterwards restored (Jan. 26, Feb. 7 and 9, 1872: Globe, pp. 622, 866, 906). Gerrit Smith, in a letter to Sumner, January 29, rebuked Hamlin's levity. Sumner rebuked him for his trifling. The former controversy as to the force to be given to the Declaration of Independence in interpreting the Constitution was revived, and here Morrill was as far apart from Sumner as Carpenter had been. He refused to treat it as a source of power, although allowing it to be an inspiration and a pervading and all-powerful influence. He was a clear-sighted lawyer, and indeed anticipated in his positions the judgment of the Sup
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