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September 21st (search for this): chapter 14
ommonwealth, September 7. For the time there was much party bitterness towards Sumner, which he sorely felt; but the better sort, even among Republican leaders, recognized the rectitude of his purpose. G. W. Curtis, in Harper's Weekly, September 21. assured him that the prayers of thousands of true hearts go with him, invoking for him the health which is here denied; and speaking from the platform, the same editor said: I shall never mention Mr. Sumner's name without the utmost affectionsidency, and who was afterwards offered the post of Secretary of State, Mr. Depew, as the anti-Grant candidate for lieutenant-governor of New York, made about forty addresses, the tenor of which may be found in the New York Tribune, Sept. 6, 20, 21; Oct. 17, 25; Nov. 3, 1872. What he said on the platform, and what Mr. Reid the editor said in his leaders, in the description of General Grant's personal and official qualities, was quite as severe as anything to be found in Sumner's treatment of
November 16th, 1872 AD (search for this): chapter 14
and placing flowers on the grave of Preston S. Brooks, his assailant in 1856. This brought out a manly outburst from Sumner, who said when told of it, What have I to do with that poor creature? It was slavery, not he, who struck the blow! After his speech against the President, May 31, he was represented as holding a broken bow, bent once too often, or as serving the old hash from a dish. For other representations of Sumner by the artist, see issues March 9, 16; April 27; August 3; November 16, 23, 1872. The artist delighted greatly in picturing Whitelaw Reid, or White-lie Reid, as he called him, in various unseemly attitudes. He placed Greeley, whose personal honesty was never questioned, again and again in close embrace with Tweed, known only as a thief who had fattened on public funds. At length journalists as well as moralists saw the impropriety of associating in like ignominy statesmen and editors, even if misguided, with felons, and rebukes were administered to the pro
March 12th, 1860 AD (search for this): chapter 14
. 45-55. and the committee, on Carpenter's motion, then ordered his appearance by a subpoena. No process for contempt would have issued in case of his further refusal. Boston Journal, April 3. He came the next day, and after reading another protest, waived his right, and submitted March 27. Works, vol. XV. pp. 56-60. himself for examination. Sumner had on previous occasions maintained that the inquisitorial power of the Senate should be kept within strict limits. In the Senate, March 12 and June 15, 1860, Works, vol. IV. pp. 426-440; May 18 and 27, 1871, Ibid., vol. XIV. pp. 284-305. His protests, while declaring that he had nothing to conceal either in the present case or in all his public life, whether act, letter, or conversation at any time, asserted the right of a senator to confidential intercourse with all who gave him information; but his main insistence was that the committee, assorted as it was, had no right to sit at all. He contended that by parliamentary law
April 26th, 1872 AD (search for this): chapter 14
rounds about the Capitol, appears also in a later debate, Jan. 22, 1874, Globe, p. 832); the acceptance of gifts from foreign powers by our diplomatic agents, which he was opposed to allowing, May 2, 1872 (Works, vol. XV. pp. 70, 71),—a subject treated by him in a later debate, Jan. 6, 1874 (Globe, p. 390); the limitation of a day's labor to eight hours in national work-shops,—a measure not favored by him at first, but which he thought should now have a fair trial,—Dec. 12,14, 1871, and April 26, 1872 (Globe, pp. 69, 70, 124, 2804-2806; Works, vol. XV. p. 79); and the discontinuance of the internal revenue bureau, with the tribe of officeholders which it imposed on the country,—introducing a bill for the purpose, Dec. 11, 1871, March 21, 26, and June 4, 1872 (Globe, pp. 45, 46, 1856, 1857, 1977, 4217). This effort was approved by the New York Herald, Dec. 11, 1871, and the New York World, December 12. He pushed his measure at his two remaining sessions. Dec. 12, 1872 (Globe, pp. 1
April 23rd, 1872 AD (search for this): chapter 14
g flowers on the grave of Preston S. Brooks, his assailant in 1856. This brought out a manly outburst from Sumner, who said when told of it, What have I to do with that poor creature? It was slavery, not he, who struck the blow! After his speech against the President, May 31, he was represented as holding a broken bow, bent once too often, or as serving the old hash from a dish. For other representations of Sumner by the artist, see issues March 9, 16; April 27; August 3; November 16, 23, 1872. The artist delighted greatly in picturing Whitelaw Reid, or White-lie Reid, as he called him, in various unseemly attitudes. He placed Greeley, whose personal honesty was never questioned, again and again in close embrace with Tweed, known only as a thief who had fattened on public funds. At length journalists as well as moralists saw the impropriety of associating in like ignominy statesmen and editors, even if misguided, with felons, and rebukes were administered to the proprietors of
November 27th, 1872 AD (search for this): chapter 14
n the chateau the gallery of the battles of Conde. Here he met again the Count of Paris, his visitor at Washington in the Civil War, and since then his correspondent. He received invitations to dine from M. de Caubert, dean of the civil tribunal of Rouen, and from his old friend Madame Mohl. M. Chevalier (1806-1879), then absent from Paris, expressed in a letter to Sumner his regret that they were not to meet. He had an interesting conversation with Gambetta; The New York Herald, Nov. 27. 1872, reports an interview with the senator, in which he conversed concerning Thiers, Gambetta, the French people, John Bright, and civil service reform. but while admiring the patriotism of that French leader, Sumner discerned his limitations. Gambetta said, What France most needs at the present tine is a Jefferson; and the senator replied, You want first a Washington, and your Jefferson will come afterwards. A. H. Bullock's address at Brown University, June 15, 1875. Laboulaye, who expr
April 20th, 1872 AD (search for this): chapter 14
50. After this the two senators did not speak to each other. Schurz on a later day repelled Carpenter's charge that it is unpatriotic to expose a breach of neutrality on the part of the Administration, saying, The senator from Wisconsin cannot frighten me by exclaiming, My country, right or wrong! In one sense I say so too. My country,—and my country is the great American Republic, —my country, right or wrong: if right to be kept right, and if wrong to be set right! Harper's Weekly, April 20, 1872, took exception to Carpenter's standards of patriotism. a retort which drew applause from the galleries. Sumner made his principal speech February 28, in which he was more effective than when he opened the debate. Works, vol. XV. pp. 5-44; New York Tribune, February 29; New York Herald, February 29; Boston Journal, February 29. It was a calm and dignified statement, without personality towards his opponents; and it won the favor of his audience, which was large and inspiring. H
October 7th (search for this): chapter 14
ivity, approved the senator's separation from the Republican party at this time. Sumner was also the guest of Mr. Johnson, Mr. Seligman, and of his faithful friends Mr. and Mrs. Laugel; M. Laugel. in his article on Sumner (Revue des Deux Mondes, June, 1874), recalls some incidents of this visit of the senator to Paris. and on all these occasions he was the acknowledged head of a large company. Springfield Republican, October 22. The distinguished American, whose private letter, dated October 7, gave an account of Sumner in Paris, was Governor Bullock. His intimate friends remarked not only his physical weakness, but also his depression of spirits, which seemed, however, to pass away when he became absorbed in his search for curious books and manuscripts. He took a keen relish now as always in association with intelligent foreigners. M. de Corcelle, father-in-law of the Marquis de Chambrun, gave him a dinner at the Cafe Voisin, where Remusat, minister of foreign affairs, and Go
February 6th, 1871 AD (search for this): chapter 14
against Antony and Verres and Hastings. Modern life furnishes few occasions for such efforts,—perhaps none. His was pitched in too high a key. The President had foibles, and had in notable instances disregarded the limitations and legalities of his office. He had given relatives places in the public service,—among them a brother-in-law made minister to Denmark; Cramer, whom the foreign relations committee were indisposed to approve on account of unfitness. New York Herald, Feb. 3 and 6, 1871. and others, a dozen or so, of kin to him, whose appointments were mostly of humble grade,—conventional improprieties which Washington and Jefferson would have avoided. He had taken large gifts which circumspect statesmen are accustomed to refuse, but which after the Civil War other officers (Farragut, Sherman, and Sheridan) accepted from a grateful people; and he had committed the indiscretion of naming two of the givers This was the distinction made by the senator between the Presiden<
November 3rd, 1872 AD (search for this): chapter 14
h favor with the party which they then left. Among them, in New York, were Frank Hiscock, senator in Congress, Chauncey M. Depew, whose nomination was supported in 1888 by the Republicans of his State as a candidate for the Presidency, and who was afterwards offered the post of Secretary of State, Mr. Depew, as the anti-Grant candidate for lieutenant-governor of New York, made about forty addresses, the tenor of which may be found in the New York Tribune, Sept. 6, 20, 21; Oct. 17, 25; Nov. 3, 1872. What he said on the platform, and what Mr. Reid the editor said in his leaders, in the description of General Grant's personal and official qualities, was quite as severe as anything to be found in Sumner's treatment of the same subject. and Whitelaw Reid, minister to France, and Republican candidate for the Vice-Presidency in 1892; in Massachusetts, N. P. Banks, member of Congress, United States marshal and presidential elector, John D. Long, governor, and Albert E. Pillsbury, attorney
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