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March 3rd, 1877 AD (search for this): chapter 14
tter an underlying tone of regret that such an announcement from him had been expected. The New York Tribune, June 1, went so far as to say of the letter, It has shown to all intelligent people his desire for a third term and his utter unfitness for it. Estimates of General Grant's character as a civil magistrate may be found in the New York Nation, March 1, 1877. Dec. 6, 1878, July 30, 1885 (by J. D. Cox); New York Evening Post, July 1, 1870; New York Tribune, Oct. 16, 30, 31, 1872, March 3, 1877. There being still a popular conviction that, notwithstanding his withdrawal, the general might yet be a candidate, the House of Representatives, Dec. 15, 1875, passed a resolution, by a vote of two hundred and thirty-three to eighteen, declaring that a departure from the time-honored custom [that of a President retiring after a second term] would be unwise, unpatriotic, and fraught with peril to our free institutions. This ended the question of a third term in 1876; but it was revived
licans of Missouri. Sumner, while in relations of confidence with Schurz and Trumbull, kept himself in reserve, avowing his opposition to the President's renomination, but hoping that the Republican convention which was to meet at Philadelphia in June would for the sake of harmony name another candidate. No one but himself, however, counted at all on such a solution of the difficulty; and indeed his own faith must have been slight. His position is indicated, perhaps with authority, in the Wement who refused to support Greeley were William C. Bryant, Stanley Matthews, George Hoadley, and the editor of the New York Nation. while others, hoping for the substitution of another candidate, called a conference which was held in New York in June; but nothing came of it. No political sagacity was required to foresee what the decision of the American people, who lean to safe and tried men, would be between Mr. Greeley and General Grant. Sumner took no part and gave no counsels as to the
e the whole field, and especially the bearing on the colored race. I mean to fail in nothing by which they may be helped; therefore all stories as to what I shall do or shall not are inventions. Nobody will know my purpose sooner than yourself, for I honor you constantly. But I seek two things: (1) The protection of the colored race, and (2) The defeat of Grant. All the while Sumner's position was watched with interest, and by none more than by his old coadjutors. It was given out in March that he was to attend the convention at Cincinnati, and probably take the chair; but this report was promptly contradicted by his authority. Republicans were loath to lose a name which had long been a charm with the moral sentiment of the country, and their journals, in leaders intended for his eye, deplored the possibility of its being lost to them in the election at hand. They reminded him that the only alternative of continued allegiance to his party was an alliance with the Democratic
October 22nd (search for this): chapter 14
erve life. Governor Bullock, though abstaining from political activity, approved the senator's separation from the Republican party at this time. Sumner was also the guest of Mr. Johnson, Mr. Seligman, and of his faithful friends Mr. and Mrs. Laugel; M. Laugel. in his article on Sumner (Revue des Deux Mondes, June, 1874), recalls some incidents of this visit of the senator to Paris. and on all these occasions he was the acknowledged head of a large company. Springfield Republican, October 22. The distinguished American, whose private letter, dated October 7, gave an account of Sumner in Paris, was Governor Bullock. His intimate friends remarked not only his physical weakness, but also his depression of spirits, which seemed, however, to pass away when he became absorbed in his search for curious books and manuscripts. He took a keen relish now as always in association with intelligent foreigners. M. de Corcelle, father-in-law of the Marquis de Chambrun, gave him a dinner at
r support the President. Some of them, whose sympathies were altogether with him in his position, thought it wiser for themselves to remain with their party so as to be in a better position to support his re-election to the Senate two years later. Generally among Republicans there was no abatement of confidence in him; and in their public meetings his divergence from the party was not mentioned, or if mentioned, he was spoken of with respect and even tenderness. At the State convention in April, which formally presented Grant for President and Wilson for Vice-President, John H. Clifford (former governor) made some thrusts at the President's critics, which were intended for the senator, but they found no favor with the mass of delegates. Another former governor, A. H. Bullock, approved Sumner's course, writing to him, March 14: I congratulate you on the mastery of the situation; for this you have achieved. Samuel Hooper, M. C., though nominally supporting the President's re-elec
October 18th, 1872 AD (search for this): chapter 14
ster of finance, were among the guests. He went one evening, with the escort of M. Remusat, to the salon of Madame Thiers, and there met her husband the President, with whom he afterwards dined at the Palais de laElysee. New York Tribune. Oct. 18. 1872. Sumner's account of his interviews with Thiers and Gambetta is given by a correspondent in the New York Tribune, Feb. 7, 1873. One day he passed at Chantilly, where the Due d'aumale, whom he had known in England, drove him in the grounds, ahops of Pickering, Quaritch, and Ellis, buying here as in Paris rather lavishly than wisely, and only regretting when he left each place that he had not bought more, even at prices which repelled connoisseurs. W. H. H. in New York Tribune, Oct. 18, 1872, and G. W. S. in the same journal, March 9, 1881. His purchases of this kind in London and Paris involved an outlay of $6,000. It is perhaps needless to refer to a statement (wholly untrue) that the senator's friends made up a purse to pay
ing, when Sumner was insisting on action before final adjournment, and asking, with a serious air, if it would be in order to sing Old Hundred before voting. This remark was at first left out of the Congressional Globe, but afterwards restored (Jan. 26, Feb. 7 and 9, 1872: Globe, pp. 622, 866, 906). Gerrit Smith, in a letter to Sumner, January 29, rebuked Hamlin's levity. Sumner rebuked him for his trifling. The former controversy as to the force to be given to the Declaration of Independeelaw Reid editors, the Chicago Tribune, the Cincinnati Commercial, and the Springfield (Mass.) Republican, each important centres of influence, were moving in the same direction. A national convention, to meet at Cincinnati May 1, was called in January by the Liberal Republicans of Missouri. Sumner, while in relations of confidence with Schurz and Trumbull, kept himself in reserve, avowing his opposition to the President's renomination, but hoping that the Republican convention which was to m
al and personal discussion as to affairs in Missouri, and particularly as to Schurz's connection with them. The debate reached its highest point of interest on February 19 and 20,—Conkling having the former day, and Schurz the latter. On the first day the friends of the President crowded the galleries,—among whom were conspicuous the ladies from the White House. Conkling's speech was characteristic in manner, gesture, and style. The next day, when Schurz was to reply, ladies were admittelation bill in 1874, against the counsels of Morton and Logan, and after he had once decided to approve it; J. R. Young's Around the World with General Grant, vol. II. pp. 153, 154. but in civil administration it was not an improvement on the first, and it brought his party to the brink of defeat in 1876. It was the period of the Whiskey Ring conspiracy, in which he manifested more sympathy with Babcock, an indicted party, than with the prosecutors, Secretary Bristow and Solicitor Wilson;
of Prussia. While Sumner disclaimed that his resolution was an attack on the President, his opponents insisted that it was a political move, The newspapers took the same view. Harper's Weekly, March 2, 9, and 16, 1872; New York Independent, February 29. specially intended to excite the German vote against the Administration; and the debate was at times diverted into a political and personal discussion as to affairs in Missouri, and particularly as to Schurz's connection with them. The debate reached its highest point of interest on February 19 and 20,—Conkling having the former day, and Schurz the latter. On the first day the friends of the President crowded the galleries,—among whom were conspicuous the ladies from the White House. Conkling's speech was characteristic in manner, gesture, and style. The next day, when Schurz was to reply, ladies were admitted into the Senate chamber, where they filled the sofas and the standing-room. Inspired by the controversy and by his
October 19th (search for this): chapter 14
. Cowdin assisted in forwarding. He wrote from Paris, October 17, to E. L. Pierce:— I have had much occasion latterly to meditate on the justice and friendship of this world, especially when crossed by the mandate of political power. I know the integrity of my conduct and the motives of my life. Never were they more clear or absolutely blameless than now. But never in the worst days of slavery have I been more vindictively pursued or more falsely misrepresented. Leaving Paris October 19, Sumner stopped at Brussels and Antwerp, and passed two days with Motley at the Hague,— missing the queen of Holland, then in England, who had wished much to make his acquaintance. Correspondence of J. L. Motley, vol. II. pp. 354, 355. Henry Reeve, meeting him at the station there, was much struck by the change which time and illness had wrought upon his manly form and lofty stature. On the 26th he was again in London, lodging this time at Fenton's, in St. James's Street. His friends
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