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Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
who was soon to join the rebellion, and Andrew Johnson, Sumner, July 24, in asking to have Johnson's resolution as to the objects of the war lie over, took occasion to express great respect for him. who stood almost alone among them as a Southern man of positive loyalty. The seceded States were not represented. Among Northern senators were Wilson of Massachusetts, Morrill and Fessenden of Maine, Hale of New Hampshire, Foot and Collamer of Vermont, Preston King of New York, Wilmot of Pennsylvania, Trumbull of Illinois, Wade and Sherman of Ohio, and Chandler of Michigan. The presence most missed was that of Douglas, who died June 3. The session of July 9 was set apart for eulogies on Douglas, in which Trumbull and Collamer took part. Sumner, though inclined to pay tributes to deceased associates, remained silent. The committee on foreign relations consisted of Sumner (chairman), Collamer, Doolittle of Wisconsin, Wilmot, Browning of Illinois, Polk of Missouri, and Breckinridge.
Dixon, Ill. (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
enden the chairman,—giving attention to nice points of phraseology as well as to the rates of taxes. He spoke against a tax on cotton,—it being an agricultural product, and the tax being likely to embarrass the manufacture of cotton goods, May 27 and June 4. Works, vol. VII. pp. 84-92.—and succeeded in reducing it, and at one time in striking it out altogether. His constituents-mill-owners in Fall River, Lowell, and Lawrence—were greatly interested in this measure. He succeeded, with Dixon's co-operation, in carrying a lower rate of duty on fire and marine insurance May 24, 26, and June 4, Congressional Globe, pp. 2334-2337, 2346, 2552, 2556. (that on life insurance being exempted without controversy), contending that the duty was a tax upon a tax, a tax upon a premium, and a tax on something which was in itself almost a charity. He received for his efforts in this direction the thanks of the insurance companies of Boston. He spoke briefly for taxing receipts for passen
Chesapeake Bay (United States) (search for this): chapter 2
igency is greater or civilization more advanced. Of course, I should like to propose such a Congress, but not unless it can be presented in a practical form. Think of it, and tell me (1) what propositions you would submit, and (2) how would you enlist the other nations. War with England involves—（1) Instant acknowledgment of rebel States by England, followed by France; (2) Breaking of the present blockade, with capture of our fleet,—Dupont and all; (3) The blockade of our coast from Chesapeake to Eastport; (4) The sponging of our slips from the ocean; (5) The establishment of the independence of rebel States; (6) Opening of these States by free trade to English manufacturers, which would be introduced by contraband into our States, making the whole North American continent a manufacturing dependency of England. All this I have put to the President. I have proposed to the President arbitration. But in her present mood England will not arbitrate; and it has been suggested a<
Connecticut (Connecticut, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
e, Feb. 6, 1868: Without any disrespect to the other members of the committee, I had really begun to believe that the honorable senator [Sumner] was the committee. Sumner answered from his seat, Oh, no; not at all. Another associate, Dixon of Connecticut, who had no sympathy with his advanced antislavery position, expressing his fear lest the country should become embroiled in difficulties with France by certain proceedings in New Orleans, wrote, Nov. 15, 1862, beseeching Sumner to exert his ise efforts he encountered unexpected resistance from Republican senators and representatives, sometimes on the ground that his motions were likely to defeat a beneficial measure,—for instance, from Hale and Clark of New Hampshire and Foster of Connecticut as to the removal of the former disability, and from Colfax in the House as to the removal of the latter. He secured the enfranchisement of colored people as witnesses in the District of Columbia by an amendment to the supplementary bill abol
Quiquechan River (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
senator not on the committee which reported it, and as often as any member of it except Fessenden the chairman,—giving attention to nice points of phraseology as well as to the rates of taxes. He spoke against a tax on cotton,—it being an agricultural product, and the tax being likely to embarrass the manufacture of cotton goods, May 27 and June 4. Works, vol. VII. pp. 84-92.—and succeeded in reducing it, and at one time in striking it out altogether. His constituents-mill-owners in Fall River, Lowell, and Lawrence—were greatly interested in this measure. He succeeded, with Dixon's co-operation, in carrying a lower rate of duty on fire and marine insurance May 24, 26, and June 4, Congressional Globe, pp. 2334-2337, 2346, 2552, 2556. (that on life insurance being exempted without controversy), contending that the duty was a tax upon a tax, a tax upon a premium, and a tax on something which was in itself almost a charity. He received for his efforts in this direction the th
Madrid (Spain) (search for this): chapter 2
had no public opinion to support him. They were also clearly right in their position that during the waiting period there should be no declarations or action adverse to an antislavery policy by the President or Congress, or by generals in the field, or in correspondence with foreign powers. Mr. Schurz's Essay on Lincoln, pp. 77, 93, implies a criticism of the pressure which was made on the President by the radical antislavery men This class includes Mr. Schurz himself, as his letter from Madrid to Sumner, Nov. 14, 1861, shows, in which he urged the adoption of a policy of emancipation. This proclamation, followed by the later one of January 1, 1863, yields in importance to no event in American or even in modern history. It had not, indeed, the sanction of States as a constitutional provision, or of Congress as a statute, or of a high tribunal as a rule of law. It could not perhaps have been pleaded in any court as securing the liberty of a single slave. But in its significanc
Nassau River (Florida, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
reaking the military power of the rebellion. Grant's effective work in the West was yet in reserve. No substantial victory had removed the depression which set in after the defeat at Bull Run; and the rebels, as well as their partisans in Europe, were full of high hope. The current of hostile British opinion was growing stronger against us during these continued reverses. Just at this time the Trent, a British mail and passenger steamer,—when in the Bahama Channel, bound from Havana to Nassau, two neutral ports,—and having among its passengers Mason and Slidell, Confederate envoys accredited to England and France respectively, who were proceeding on their missions with despatches and two secretaries, was boarded, November 8, by Captain Wilkes of the United States naval ship the San Jacinto, who, acting without instructions, took the four persons from the steamer, and leaving her to go on her way, brought them to the United States, where, by the order of our government, they were
West Indies (search for this): chapter 2
the Roman world. It was the voice of a great nation, uttered in solemn form at the supreme moment of its history, pledging itself to the cause of universal freedom. The President had much at heart at this time a plan for colonizing emancipated slaves in tropical countries,—calling the attention of Congress to it, directing diplomatic correspondence, and engaging in an attempt to settle a ship-load of the colored people, collected in Washington and its vicinity, on lie de Vache in the West Indies. The expedition came to grief, and the President from that time saw the impracticability of his plan. New York Tribune, Aug. 25, 1862; September 13 and 14. Sumner discreetly avoided any direct issue with him as to this idea, well assured that he himself would come to see that it was a delusion. The third day of the session Sumner called attention to General Halleck's exclusion of fugitive slaves from his camp and lines, and severely condemned it. The same day he took occasion, in s
Edward E. Hale (search for this): chapter 2
re Wilson of Massachusetts, Morrill and Fessenden of Maine, Hale of New Hampshire, Foot and Collamer of Vermont, Preston Kintee rather than to the committee on naval affairs, of which Hale of New Hampshire was chairman, but yielded to its referencemittee rather than raise a debate at an unseasonable time. Hale, when the subject was under consideration in the Cabinet, a the declaration attributed to you in your gentle rebuke to Hale that the matter was in able hands. In style it is verbose g advanced antislavery positions,—and in this instance from Hale and Wade. Sumner proposed an amendment to the internal t May 28 and June 6, 1862. Works, vol. VII. pp. 93-109. Hale condemned it as recognizing property in man,—an inference w and Wilmot. Among those voting against the amendment were Hale and Wilson. Consideration for the border slave States rathee likely to defeat a beneficial measure,—for instance, from Hale and Clark of New Hampshire and Foster of Connecticut as to <
Gideon Welles (search for this): chapter 2
confined in Fort Warren in the harbor of Boston. The Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Welles, promptly justified the capture, and only regretted that the vessel was not t, and did not conceal his approval of Wilkes's act. Lincoln and Seward, by Gideon Welles, p. 185. The Cabinet generally coincided in expressing gratification and apeign affairs,—often giving greater heed to his views than to Mr. Seward's. Mr. Welles, in his Lincoln and Seward (p. 185), says: The President had doubts, misgivinour credit and advantage; it has been made the means of our humiliation. Gideon Welles wrote of Mr. Seward later: He was always ready, always superficial, not a p desired was now near at hand. On July 13 the President revealed to Seward and Welles on a drive that he had about come to the conclusion that the emancipation of thpation. Ante, pp. 39, 40; post, p. 110; Seward's Life, vol. III. pp 118, 135; Welles's Lincoln and Seward, p. 210; Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. VI p. 12
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