Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for B. F. Butler or search for B. F. Butler in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
t at an early hour the next morning for Philadelphia, meeting on the way the Sixth Regiment of Massachusetts volunteers. It was, he said, the first regiment of volunteers he had seen; and he was struck by the gayety of soldier life, which overflowed as the train passed. At Baltimore the regiment encountered a secession mob like the one which had hunted the senator, and while fighting its way through the city lost four men killed and thirty-six wounded. Order was restored May 13, when General Butler took military possession of the city. The intelligence of this encounter, April 19, reached Philadelphia before Sumner arrived there. On the night of that day the regiment was quartered at Washington in the Senate chamber. Sumner gave a vivid and detailed account of his experiences in Baltimore in a note to his Works, vol. v. pp. 492-494. On the 21st Sumner visited in New York the armory of the New York Seventh, which had left the preceding afternoon. It was occupied by the Third
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
ions, recognized the duty of marshals to return fugitive slaves. The Secretary of the Interior at a public meeting denied the right of the government to interfere with slavery in South Carolina. The Secretary of War abstained from approving General Butler's doctrine that the slaves of rebels should be treated as contraband of war, and cautioned him against interfering with the slaves of peaceable citizens, or preventing the voluntary return of fugitive slaves. The President himself revoked Geur forces. We must concentrate and crush. The armies of the South must be met and annihilated. If we start an expedition to Texas there will be another division. Climate, too, will be for the present against us. The correspondence between General Butler and Mr. Johnson will show you that government puts no restraint upon the sale of cotton; it is the perverseness of the rebels that does it all. Congress has adjourned. After a few days in Washington to see the President and Cabinet, I hav
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 46: qualities and habits as a senator.—1862. (search)
rious interests of the District. Several statutes removing the disability of colored citizens were his handiwork. The consolidation of the statutes of the United States was his first thought, and was finally effected by his constant pressure. Some critics, remembering that Sumner stood at some time in the way of their pretensions, or solicitous that their unrenowned services should not be overlooked, have suggested as a limitation to his sphere that he did not draw many statutes. General Butler's Book, p. 314; G. S. Boutwell in the Boston Globe, Sept. 28, 1890. This mechanical work falls largely to the solicitors of the departments, or to promoters of bills; The bankrupt bill, which has long engaged the attention of Congress, was drawn by an eminent judge,—John Lowell, of Boston. and Sumner did as much of it as most men holding his relation to general affairs,—as much, for instance, as Webster or Seward. Wilson probably did not, while chairman of the committee on military a
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
ator who urged the measure, How can you push so zealously a measure of Seward, whom you dislike? To which he replied: The substitute I shall move is drawn by General Butler. I read to the President your last letter. He enjoys the change in English sentiment, but was astonished that your public meetings were not called under thiacles. Chase was sorry that Hooker felt obliged to take the step he did. There has been talk of danger from the rebels, who are pretty near. I keep at my desk. Butler is here, anxious, and not finding things to his satisfaction. He wrote, July 99, to the same correspondent, who had written from Beaufort, S. C., concerning tnotions of propriety,—such as the sinking of obstructions in Charleston harbor, the inclusion of chloroform and medicines among articles contraband of war, or General Butler's order inflicting deserved punishment on women in New Orleans who insulted Union soldiers on the streets. A sentimentalism, strange in a people whose career
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
aracter has suffered very much, hardly more than he has suffered as a statesman by his proceedings for reconstruction. In Louisiana, under Mr. Lincoln's direction. The sentiment in Louisiana among the earnest antislavery men is very strong for Butler. The President some time ago sent for me to show me private letters from Banks on reconstruction; but I have not exchanged a word with him on Banks's military character, and considering that he is a Massachusetts man, I do not wish to interfere principles of the party rather than Mr. Lincoln. Greeley thought Mr. Lincoln already beaten, and that another ticket was necessary to save the cause from utter overthrow, naming three generals from whom a choice might be made,—Grant, Sherman, and Butler. Among others active in the movement were Richard Smith, the veteran editor, and Whitelaw Reid, both of Cincinnati. A large number of letters of public men written at the time to John Austin Stevens, and published in the New York Sun, June 30
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
. The President resumed his active interest in the reconstruction of Louisiana in June, 1863, and from that time pressed it with great earnestness in his correspondence with the military officers of that department—with Banks, who had succeeded Butler in command, and Shepley, still military governor. He gave them clearly to understand that there must be no delay arising from conflict of jurisdiction or misconception of their instructions. Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. VIII. pp. ew President has asked the late Cabinet to remain. This was natural and proper. Of course, his first policy must be to secure public confidence; but there is an impression that sooner or later there will be a change. Among the aspirants is General Butler. He cannot be expected to succeed so long as Mr. Adams is in London, as they are both from Massachusetts. Our people continue to be moved. They are now thronging the streets to visit the remains of the late President, at the Executive Mans
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
rds of public law, and the traditions of the government. The provision for stopping commercial intercourse came from General Butler; but the manager of the bill, while resisting all attempts to conform it to just principles, made no opposition to t President strengthened with the Senate or the people by the fact that the manager who was most in the public eye was General Butler. Sumner wrote to Lieber in May, 1868:-- I take it that the whole story in the Sun is a quiz. Wade assures m Garfield spoke, July 15 and 21, maintaining the national obligation to pay the five-twenties in coin, and replying to Butler of Massachusetts, and Pike of Maine, who had advocated the taxation of the national bonds. His position at this time, thumner should at this session expose the financial heresies. His colleague had little taste for such discussions; and General Butler, of Massachusetts, a champion of the Ohio idea in the House, had encountered no reply from any colleague. Sumner had
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 54: President Grant's cabinet.—A. T. Stewart's disability.—Mr. Fish, Secretary of State.—Motley, minister to England.—the Alabama claims.—the Johnson-Clarendon convention.— the senator's speech: its reception in this country and in England.—the British proclamation of belligerency.— national claims.—instructions to Motley.—consultations with Fish.—political address in the autumn.— lecture on caste.—1869. (search)
March 19, 21: New York Herald, March 21). Badeau's persistence in claiming two salaries at the same time, one in civil and the other in military service, has found a record in the reports of the United States Supreme Court, vol. CXXX. p. 4:9. General Butler's description of Badeau in his Book, p. 860, note, has the double merit of truth and piquancy. Ingratitude to Grant and disrespect to his memory were the fitting sequel to slanders on Sumner and treachery to Motley. The mention of this perso advised him to renew the discussion with the British government by a fresh and vigorous statement of our case. He thought the time favorable, as there was a lull in the demonstrations of English feeling; and he feared, after some hints from General Butler, that unless something were done Congress might take action unfavorable to a peaceful settlement. Mr. Fish invited Sumner to prepare the paper, but the latter declined, thinking that it should be drawn by another, and being himself already
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
nion on the extension of slavery came from General Butler, who at the last session, when the approvaed to ten minutes, and the majority, under General Butler's lead, allowed only a two-hours debate. d, Listen to the man who cracks the whip! and Butler retorted, Listen to the man whose back smarts!eld; and among those voting against it were B. F. Butler and N. P. Banks. The resolution was sent tsident had not weakened him in the least. General Butler in the autumn made a canvass for the Republamity. Sumner, whose personal relations with Butler had been uniformly cordial, and who by habit hnd deplore the extraordinary canvass which General Butler has precipitated upon the Commonwealth, ahe Republican party. At the convention General Butler lost the nomination by only a small adversay the kindly feelings of twenty years. General Butler called on Sumner on the day the statement d to say of him that Sumner dominated him. General Butler's Book, published twenty years afterwards,[3 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
t be overcome. With another type of public men the President was more easily reconciled. General Butler having been relieved (unjustly as he thought) by General Grant from command after the affairans, were brought into friendly relations by the mediation of George Wilkes, the editor; and General Butler came to have an influence with the President, at least in appointments to office, greater than that of any public man, or indeed of all public men, in Massachusetts. General Butler has said: I can say without fear of contradiction that few men possessed a greater share of his confidence, or had more personal influence with General Grant upon public questions, than I had. Butler's Book, p. 855. Sumner renewed at this session his proposition, made in 1867, Feb. 11, 18;7; Works. s filled rapidly; members of the House (among whom were observed Garfield, Shellabarger, Kelley, Butler, Banks, Hoar, and Dawes) came one after another on the floor, leaving their hall almost deserted
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