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Worcester County (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.1
well-being, a way, even venture to say, to the existence of the United States as an independent power. First, on indissoluble union of the States under one federal head. In language even stronger he, July 8, 1783—only a month later—wrote to Dr. William Gordon, the historian (Ib., Vol. X, p. 276): We are known by no other character among other nations than as the United States. Massachusetts or Virginia is no better defined, nor any more thought of, by Foreign Powers, than the county of Worcester in Massachusetts is by Virginia, or Gloucester county in Virginia is by Massachusetts (reputable as they are), and yet these counties with as much propriety might oppose themselves to the laws of the States in which they are, as an individual State can oppose itself to the Federal Government, by which it is, or ought to be bound. With the passage of time, Washington's feelings on this subject seem to have grown stronger, and, on March 10, 1787, he wrote to John Jay: A thirst for power, an
Westminster (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.1
er the protector's skull had been removed from over the roof of Westminster Hall, Pope wrote, in similar spirit— See Cromwell, damn'd to everlasting fame; and, sixteen years later,—four-fifths of a century after Cromwell's disentombment at Westminster and reburial at Tyburn,—period from the death of Lee equal to that which will have elapsed in 1950, Gray sang of the Stoke Pogis churchyard— Some mute, inglorious Milton here may rest, Some Cromwell guiltless of his country's blood. Aeffigy of Robert E. Lee, mounted on his charger, and with the insignia of his Confederate rank, will from its pedestal in the nation's capital gaze across the Potomac at his old home at Arlington, even as that of Cromwell dominates the yard of Westminster upon which his skull once looked down. When that time comes, Lee's monument will be educational —it will typify the historical appreciation of all that goes to make up the loftiest type of character, military and civic, exemplified in an o
Naseby (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 1.1
h and green—how would it be when a sufficient time has elapsed to afford the needed perspective? Let us suppose a grandson six generations removed. What Englishman, be he Cavalier or Roundhead by descent—did his ancestor charge with Rupert or Cromwell—did he fall while riding with leveled point in the grim wall of advancing Ironsides, or go hopelessly down in death beneath their thundering hoofs—what descendant of any Englishman who there met his end, but with pride would read the name of Naseby on his regimental flag? What Frenchman would consent to the erasure of Ivry or Moncontour? Thus, in all these matters, time is the great magician. It both mellows and transforms. The Englishman of to-day does not apply to Cromwell the standard of loyalty or treason, of right and wrong, applied after the Restoration; nor again, does the twentieth century confirm the nineteenth's verdicts. Even slavery we may come to regard as a phase, pardonable as passing, in the evolution of a race.
Gulf of Mexico (search for this): chapter 1.1
re the sworn officials. Into this phase of the subject I do not propose to enter. That the leaders in secession were men with large views, and that they had matured a comprehensive policy as the ultimate outcome of their movement, I entertain no doubt. They looked unquestionably to an easy military success, and the complete establishment of their Confederacy; more remotely, there can be no question they contemplated a policy of extension, and the establishment along the shores of the Gulf of Mexico and in the Antilles of a great semi-tropical, slave-labor republic; finally, all my investigations have tended to satisfy me that they confidently anticipated an early disintegration of the Union, and the accession of the bulk of the Northern States to the Confederacy, New England only being sternly excluded therefrom, sloughed off, as they expressed it. The capital of the new Confederacy was to be Washington; African servitude, under reasonable limitations, was to be recognized througho
Rochdale (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 1.1
o the Civil War? Before entering, however, on this well-worn—I might say, this threadbare—theme, as I find myself compelled in briefest way to do, there is one preliminary very essential to be gone through with—a species of moral purgation. Bearing in mind Dr. Johnson's advice to Boswell, on a certain memorable occasion, we should at least try to clear our minds of cant. Many years ago, but only shortly before his death, Richard Cobden said in one of his truth-telling deliverances to his Rochdale constituents—I really believe I might be Prime Minister. If I would get up and say you are the greatest, the wisest, the best, the happiest people in the world, and keep on repeating that, I don't doubt but what I might be Prime Minister. I have seen Prime Minister's made in my experience precisely by that process. The same great apostle of homely sense, on another occasion bluntly remarked in a similar spirit to the House of Commons—We generally sympathise with everybody's rebels but
Patrick Henry (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.1
South Carolina on the 20th of December, 1860, were enunciated by Kentucky November 16, 1798. The dragon's teeth were then sown. Washington was at that time living in retirement at Mt. Vernon. When, a few weeks later, the character of those resolutions became known to him, he was deeply concerned, and wrote to Lafayette,—The Constitution, according to their interpretation of it, would be a mere cipher; and again a few days later, he expressed himself still more strongly in a letter to Patrick Henry,—Measures are systematically and pertinaciously pursued which must eventually dissolve the Union, or produce coercion. （Washington, Works Vol. XI, pp. 378, 389.) Coercion Washington thus looked to as the remedy to which recourse could properly be had in case of any overt attempt at secession. But, so far as the framers of the Constitution were concerned, it seems to me clear that, acting as wise men of conflicting views naturally would act in a formative period during which many conf<
Napoleon (Ohio, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.1
e descendants of those who participated therein should not wish to see obliterated from any record, be it historian's page or battle-flag, it was the advance of Pickett's Virginian division across that wide valley of death in front of Cemetery Ridge. I know in all recorded warfare of no finer, no more sustained and deadly feat of arms. I have stood on either battlefield, and, in scope and detail, carefully compared the two; and, challenging denial, I affirm that the much vaunted charge of Napoleon's guard at Waterloo, in fortitude, discipline and deadly energy will not bear comparison with that other. It was boy's work beside it. There, brave men did all that the bravest men could do. Why then should the son of one of those who fell coming up the long ascent, or over our works and in among our guns, feel a sense of wrong because Gettysburg is inscribed on the flag of the battery a gun of which he now may serve? On the contrary, I should suppose he would there see that name only.
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 1.1
ly then preached, and to which many, not in Virginia only but in New England also, pinned their political faith. Even the Devil is proverbiaaccession of the bulk of the Northern States to the Confederacy, New England only being sternly excluded therefrom, sloughed off, as they expnd on a new, and, as they considered, an improved basis, without New England. This cannot properly be termed a conspiracy; it was a legitima be peaceably and quietly carried into effect; and the assent of New England to the arrrangement was neither asked for, assumed, nor expected. New England was distinctly relegated to an outer void—at once cold, dark, inhospitable. As to participation of those who sympathized inond was the political center. We of the North, especially we of New England, were Yankees; but a Virginian was that, and nothing else. I haor mine, it does not lie in the mouths of the descendants of the New England Federalists of the first two decennials of the nineteenth centur
Maryland (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.1
at that juncture the Old Dominion by a decisive vote had followed in the steps of the cotton States, it implied consequences which no man could fathom. It involved the possession of the national capital, and the continuance of the government. Maryland would inevitably follow the Virginian lead; the recently elected president had not yet been inaugurated; taken wholly by surprise, the North was divided in sentiment; the loyal spirit of the country was not aroused. It was thus an even questions vital. As William H. Seward, representing the president-elect in Washington, wrote during those days: The people of the District are looking anxiously for the result of the Virginia election. They fear that if Virginia resolves on secession, Maryland will follow; and then Washington will be seized. . . The election tomorrow probably determines whether all the slave States will take the attitude of disunion. Everybody around me thinks that that will make the separation irretrievable, and in
Whitehall (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 1.1
and, by new example added to old perpetual precept, be taught what is real worth in man. Whom do you wish us to resemble? Him you set on a high column, that all men, looking on it, may be continually apprised of the duty you expect from them. Thomas Carlyle, Latter-day Pamphlets. 1850 At about 3 o'clock of the afternoon of September 3, 1658, the day of Worcester and of Dunbar, and as a great tempest was wearing itself to rest, Oliver Cromwell died. He died in London, in the palace of Whitehall; the palace of the great banqueting hall through whose central window Charles I, a little less than ten years before, had walked forth to the scaffold. A few weeks later, with a more than regal solemnity, the body of the great Lord Protector was carried to Westminster Abbey, and there buried amongst kings. Two years then elapsed, and, on the twelfth anniversary of King Charles's execution, the remains of the usurper, having been previously disinterred by order of the newly restored king
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