Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition.. You can also browse the collection for Newcastle or search for Newcastle in all documents.

Your search returned 16 results in 8 document sections:

urtiers. Huske to a Friend, inclosed in Lyttelton to his Brother, 30th Jan. 1758, in Phillimore's Memoirs of Lord Lyttelton, II. 604. Of such officers the conduct was sure to provoke jealous distrust, and to justify perpetual opposition, But Newcastle was satisfied with distributing places; and acquiesced with indifference in the policy of the colonists, to keep the salaries of all officers of the crown dependent on the annual deliberations of the legislature. Placed between the Lords of Traces, under such a secretary, became more and more nearly sinecures; while America, neglected in England, and rightly resisting her rulers, went on her way rejoicing towards freedom and independence. Disputes accumulated with every year; but Newcastle temporized to the last, and in February, 1748, chap. I.} 1748. on the resignation of the Earl of Chesterfield, he escaped from the embarrassments of American affairs by taking the seals for the Northern Department. Those of the Southern, whi
king's authority and myself to contempt. Clinton to Bedford, 20 October, 1748. Thus issue was joined with a view to involve the Nov. British parliament in the administration of the colonies, just at the time, when Bedford, as the secretary, was resolving to introduce uniformity into their administration by supporting the authority of the central government; and his character was a guarantee for resolute perseverance. Considering the present situation of things, he had declared to Newcastle, Bedford to Newcastle, 11 August, 1748. Bedford Correspondence, i. 441. it would be highly improper to have an inefficient man at the head of the Board of Trade; and, at his suggestion, on the first day of November, 1748, two months after the peace of America and Europe had been ratified, the Earl of Halifax, then just thirty-two years old, entered upon his long period of service as First Commissioner for the Plantations. He was fond of splendor, profuse, and in debt; passionate, over
ly, of the union and independence of America. But the attempt to establish that system of government, which must have provoked immediate resistance, was delayed by jealousies and divisions in the cabinet. Dear Brother, Pelham used to say to Newcastle, I must beg of you not to fret yourself so much upon every occasion. Pelham to Newcastle, in Coxe, i. 460. But the Duke grew more and more petulant, and more impatient of rivalry. It goes to my heart, said he, that a new, unknown, factious talents. Pelham to Newcastle, 24 Aug.—4 Sept., 1750. He would be more approved by the public, thought Hardwicke, than either Holdernesse or Waldegrave. He is the last man, except Sandwich, I should think of for secretary of state, exclaimed Newcastle. He is so conceited of his parts, he would not be in the cabinet one month without thinking he knew as much or more of business than any one man. He is impracticable;. . . . . .the most odious man in the kingdom. . . . . . A man of his life, s
into public life with such universal favor, that every company resounded with the praises of his parts and merit. But Newcastle had computed what he might dare; at the elections, corruption had returned a majority devoted to the minister who was iuse the Whig party at this time had proposed to itself nothing great to accomplish, that it was possible for a man like Newcastle to be at its head; with others like Holdernesse, and the dull Sir Thomas Robinson, for the secretaries of state. The ntter for the extirpation of this rabble, if they had stood. All the good we have chap. VII.} 1754. done, he wrote to Newcastle, has been a little bloodletting. Coxe's Pelham Ad., i., 303. His attendant, George Townshend, afterwards to be much ive of the armament which was making in Ireland. Braddock, with two regiments, was already on the way to America, when Newcastle gave assurances that defence only was intended, that the general peace should not be broken; at the same time, England
. II., II., 8. The militia law of Pennsylvania, he said, was designed to be ineffectual. It offered no compulsion, and, moreover, gave the nomination of officers to the people. The administration hearkened to a scheme for dissolving the Assembly of that province by act of parliament, and disfranchising the Quakers for a limited time, till laws for armed defence and for diminishing the power of the people could be framed by others. After the long councils of indecision, the ministry of Newcastle, shunning altercations with colonial assemblies, gave a military character to the interference of Great Britain in American affairs. To New York Lords of Trade to Sir Charles Hardy. chap. IX.} 1756. instructions were sent not to press the establishment of a perpetual revenue for the present. The northern colonies, whose successes at Lake George had mitigated the disgraces of the previous year, were encouraged by a remuneration; and, as a measure of temporary expediency, not of perma
12. On the organization of his household, Prince George desired to have him about his person. The request of the prince, which Pitt advocated, was resisted by Newcastle and by Hardwicke. To embroil the royal family, the latter did not hesitate to blast the reputation of the mother of the heir apparent by tales of scandal, Th degree of real power conceded to him, Fox was unwilling to encounter a stormy opposition which would have had the country on its side. My situation, said he to Newcastle in October, is impracticable; Fox to the Duke of Newcastle, 13 Oct. 1756. and he left the cabinet. At the same time Murray declared that he, too, would serve24. But even that influence was unavailing. In the conduct of the war the Duke of Cumberland exercised the chief control; in the House of Commons the friends of Newcastle were powerful; in the council the favor of the king encouraged opposition. America was become the great object of European attention; Pitt, disregarding the c
rance; but Pitt prevailed with the cabinet to renew the annual treaty with Frederic, and with parliament to vote the subsidy without a question. He has no thought of abandoning the continent, said Bute, in January; he is madder than ever. But Newcastle, clinging fondly to office, and aware of the purposes of the king, shrunk from sustaining the secretary, and professed himself most sincerely desirous of peace, most willing to go any length to obtain it. Pitt, on his part, never ceased to desp feebleness, and never forgave the treachery of Newcastle. They neither are nor can be united, said Bute; and early in January, 1761, his friends urged him to put himself at the head, in a great office of business, and to take the lead. But Newcastle began also to be conscious of his own want of favor. He had complained to Bedford, who despised him, of the very little weight he had in the closet, and of the daily means used to let him have as little in the coming parliament, and talked of
the actual order chap. XIX.} 1762. of society, without reflecting that this order is subject to inevitable changes. We are approaching the state of crisis and the age of revolutions. Were all the kings put away, they would hardly be missed, and things would go on none the worse. From Emile. I hold it impossible that the great monarchies of Europe should endure much longer. Note to a passage in the Third Book of Emile. That work was published in May, 1762. On the retirement of Newcastle, Bute, near the end of May, transferring the seals of the Northern Department to George Grenville, became first lord of the treasury, the feeblest of British prime ministers. Bedford remained privy seal; Egremont, Grenville's brother-in-law, secretary of state for the Southern Department and America; while the able Lord North retained his seat at the Treasury Board. Early in June, on the death of Anson, Halifax returned from Ireland to join the cabinet as first lord of the admiralty. Ch