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ivilege; and the various rights of election depended on capricious charters or immemorial custom rather than on reason. Of the five hundred and fifty-eight members, whom the House of Commons then consisted, the counties of England, Wales, and Scotland elected one hundred and thirty-one as knights of the shires. These owed their election to the good will of the owners of great estates in the respective counties; for it was a usage that the tenant should vote as his landlord directed, and his riches. The illustration is in substance, and almost in words, from Locke. The lord of the borough of Newport, in the Isle of Wight, in like manner chap. III.} 1763. named two members, while Bristol elected no more; the populous capital of Scotland but one; and Manchester none. Two hundred and fifty-four members had such small constituencies, that about five thousand seven hundred and twenty-three votes sufficed to choose them. Fifty-six were elected by so few that, had the districts bee
ly covered with luxuriant grasses, whose unequalled verdure vied in color with the emerald. Centuries before the Christian era, the beautiful region had been occupied by men of one of the Celtic tribes, who had also colonized the Highlands of Scotland. The Normans, who in the eighth century planted commercial towns on its sea coast, were too few to maintain separate municipalities. The old inhabitants had been converted to Christianity by apostles of the purest fame, and abounded in churcheiament, it stood for the whole island. But in the first place, the law tolerated only the Protestant worship; and when colonies were planted on lands of six counties in Ulster escheated to the crown, the planters were chiefly Presbyterians from Scotland, than whom none more deeply hated the Catholic religion. And next the war of chicane succeeded to the war of arms and hostile statutes. Ecclesiastical courts wronged conscience; soldiers practised extortions; the civil courts took away lands.
who was always the friend of the protective policy; and it had the approval of the king. But Bedford having, like Edmund Burke, caught the more liberal views of political economy which were then beginning to prevail, especially in France and in Scotland, spoke on the side of freedom of trade; and the bill was refused a second reading. The silk weavers were exasperated; professing to believe that Bedford had been bought by the French. On Tuesday they went in a large body to Richmond 14. to commander-in-chief. He agreed that Bute should never, directly or indirectly, publicly or pri- chap. XII.} 1765. May. vately, have any thing to do with his business; he consented to dismiss Mackenzie from the administration of the affairs of Scotland, but not from the office of Privy Seal. Grenville was obstinate. But, interposed the king, he has my promise to continue in that employment for life; I passed to him my royal word, and, falling into great agitation, he went so far as to say, I
n Broadway, to within ten or eight feet of the fort, knocked at its gate, broke open the Governor's coach-house, took out his chariot, carried the images upon it round town, and returned to burn them with his own carriages and sleighs, be- chap XIX.} 1765. Nov. fore his eyes, on the Bowling Green, under the gaze of the garrison on the ramparts, and of all New-York gathered round about. He has bound himself, they cried, by oath, to be the chief murderer of our rights. He was a rebel in Scotland, a Jacobite. He is an enemy to his king, to his country, and mankind. At the same time, a party of volunteers sacked the house occupied by James, and bore off the colors of the royal regiments. On Saturday, the second of November, Colden gave way. The council questioned his authority to distribute the stamps, and unanimously advised him to declare that he would do nothing in relation to them, but await the arrival of the new governor; and his declaration to that effect, duly authentica
sured the American agents of his good will, and the Speaker caused the substance of the whole paper to be entered on the journals. The reading of papers and examination of witnesses continued during the month, in the utmost secrecy. The evidence especially of the riots in Rhode Island and New-York, produced a very unfavorable effect. On the last day of January the weakness of chap. XXI.} 1766. Jan. the ministry appeared on a division respecting an election for some of the boroughs in Scotland; in a very full house they had only a majority of eleven. The grooms of the bedchamber, and even Lord George Sackville voted against them, whilst Charles Townshend, the paymaster, declined to vote at all. On the same day Bedford and Grenville were asked, if on Bute's opening the door, they were ready to negotiate for a change of administration, and they both sent word to the king, that his order would be attended to, with duty and respect, through whatever channel it should come. Had Pi
n beaten, said Bedford to the French minister, but we have made a gallant fight of it. If the Scottish members, elected as they then were by a dependent tenantry, or in the boroughs by close corporations, voted to enforce the tax, the mind of Scotland was as much at variance with its pretended representatives in parliament, as the intelligence of France was in antagonism to the monarchy of Louis XV. Hutcheson, the reforming moralist of the north, had, as we have seen, declared as an axiom in ethics, the right of colonies to be independent when able to take care of themselves; David Hume confessed himself at heart a republican; Adam Smith, at Glasgow, was teaching the youth of Scotland the natural right of industry to freedom; Reid was constructing a system of philosophy, based upon the development and freedom of the active powers of man; and now, at the relenting of the House of Com- chap. XXIII} 1766. Feb. mons concerning the Stamp Act, I rejoice, said Robertson, the illustrious