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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1,606 0 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 462 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 416 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 286 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the Colonization of the United States, Vol. 1, 17th edition. 260 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 2, 17th edition. 254 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 242 0 Browse Search
HISTORY OF THE TOWN OF MEDFORD, Middlesex County, Massachusetts, FROM ITS FIRST SETTLEMENT, IN 1630, TO THE PRESENT TIME, 1855. (ed. Charles Brooks) 230 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 3, 15th edition. 218 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1 166 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition.. You can also browse the collection for New England (United States) or search for New England (United States) in all documents.

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sels; but its roadstead was also a vast harbor where a navy could ride at anchor. The large town of Philadelphia had rope-walks and busy ship-yards; manufactures of all sorts, especially of leather and of iron. In the province to which it belonged, the Presbyterians outnumbered the peaceful Quakers; and Germans, weary of subordination to England and unwilling to serve under English officers against France, openly declared that Pennsylvania would one day be called Little Germany. In all New England there were no citadels, from the people's fear of their being used to compel submission to Acts of Parliament infringing colonial privileges. The garrison at Boston was in the service of the Colony. The British troops were so widely scattered in little detachments, as to be of no account. England, reasoned the observer, must foresee a Revolution, and has hastened its epoch by emancipating the Colonies from the fear of France in Canada. Report of Pontleroy, the French Emissary, made
an Act in which a colonial Legislature exercised the prerogative of clemency; and Hutchinson, saying beggars must not be choosers, gave thanks, at the bar of the House, to his benefactors. But he treasured up the feeling of revenge, and the next year taking offence at some ex planatory publication by Hawley, Hutchinson to Bollan, 31 Oct. 1767; same to another, 10 Nov. 1767. dismissed him ar- Chap XXVII.} 1766. Dec. bitrarily from practising in the Superior Court. The patriots of New England did not doubt Shelburne's attention to its real interests and respect for its liberties; but they were exquisitely sensitive to every thing like an admission that the power of taxing them resided in Parliament. Bernard was rebuked, because, with consent of Council, he had caused the Billeting Act to be printed by the printer of the Colony laws; and had made that Act his warrant for furnishing supplies at the Colony's expense to two companies of artillery, Bernard to J. Pownall, 16 Dec
l to De Kalb, 2 May, 1767. The eagerness of the Minister suffered his hopes to run ahead of realities; for a Frenchman could not compute the power of Anglo-American forbearance; nor had the brave officer whom he employed, sagacity enough to measure the movement of a revolution; but from this time Choiseul sought in every quarter accurate accounts of the progress of opinion in America, alike in the writings of Franklin, the reports current among the best informed merchants, and even in New England sermons, from which curious extracts are to this day preserved among the State Papers of France. His judgment on events, though biassed by Chap. XXIX.} 1767. April. national hatred, was more impartial and clear than that of any British Minister who succeeded Shelburne; and his conclusions were essentially just. The English Ministry were misled by those in whom they trusted. The civil and military officers of the crown in America were nearly all men of British birth, who had obtain
me to the conclusion, to which he might have been led, on becoming convinced that such a union was impossible. In 1768 it still had many advocates in England and in America, Otis among the number. that an American representation was impossible, yet his heart still turned to his original opinion, and in his prevailing mood, he shrunk from the thought of Independence. The ruling passion of Samuel Adams, on the contrary, was the preservation of the distinctive character and institutions of New-England. He thoroughly understood the tendency of the measures adopted by Chap. XXXI.} 1768. Jan. Parliament; approved of making the appeal to Heaven, since freedom could not otherwise be preserved; and valued the liberties of his country more than its temporal prosperity, more than his own life, more than the lives of all. The confidence of his townsmen sustained his fortitude; his whole nature was absorbed by care for the public; and his strictly logical mind was led to choose for the defenc
in the policy of England. Expressing apprehensions for their own safety, they complained against the American Press, especially against the seeming moderation, parade of learning, and most mischievous tendency of the Farmer's Letters; against New England Town Meetings, in which, they said, the lowest mechanics discussed the most important points of government with the utmost freedom; against Rhode Island, as if it had even proposed to stop the Revenue money; against Massachusetts, for having i for a moment, that if the Provinces could jointly discuss their interests by deputies, an independent State would soon be formed. The people were brave; and their militia not inferior to regular troops. And yet after studying the spirit of New England, De Kalb to Choiseul, 2 March, 1768. he was persuaded that all classes sin- Chap. XXXII.} 1768. March cerely loved their mother country, and, as he believed, would never accept foreign aid. Besides so convinced were they of the justice of
y. Hillsborough to Gage, 23 April, 1768. But it was characteristic of Massachusetts, that the peace had not been broken. The power of Parliament was denied, but not resisted. Things are fast hastening to a crisis, said Eliot Andrew Eliot to Thomas Hollis, 18 April, 1768. of Boston. Yet none desponded. The people were persuaded that England had greater cause to fear the loss of their trade, than they the withholding of her protection. The grand design of God in the settlement of New England, Boston Gazette, 25 April, 1768, 682, 1, 3. began to be more clearly discerned. Some enthusiasts saw in this western Continent the wilderness spoken of in the vision of the Evangelist John, as the asylum Chap. Xxxiii} 1768. April. of persecuted multitudes, to whom the wings of a Great Eagle had been given to bear them to the place prepared by God for their rest from tribulation. Meantime, on Saturday, the second day of April, the Assembly of Virginia read the Circular letter fro
a month, lain at anchor in the harbor, and forcibly and insolently impressed New England men returning from. sea. On the morning of the tenth of June, one man who use, employing the pen of Samuel Adams Eliot's Biographical Dictionary of New England, sub voce Samuel Adams. without altering a word, reported a letter Bradfoay you now expect, wrote Hollis T. Hollis to A. Eliot, 1 July, 1768. to a New England man, who predicted independence; you are an ungracious people. There is orithe way in his Providence, Ezra Stiles's Correspondence, July, 1768. thus New England ministers communed together, for some remarkable revolutions in Christendom,en the man of sin would be destroyed, and the Church, which, in the mouth of New England divines, included civil and religious liberty, would rise and spread throughcomplex mind by the guiding truths which it developes as it advances? While New England was drawing from the Bible proof of the nearness of the overthrow of tyranny
Affidavit of Richard Silvester, sworn to before Chief Justice Hutchinson, and sent to the Secretary of State at the time the Ministry designed to take off the principal incendiaries. The words of S. Adams are known to have been uttered at or near this time. independent of the colonial Legislature to dragoon Chap. XXXVI.} 1768. Sept. us. He openly denied the superiority of the existing forms of government. It was not reverence for Kings, he would say, that brought the ancestors of New England to America. They fled from Kings and bishops, and looked up to the King of Kings. We are free, therefore, he concluded, and want no King. Affidavits in the State-paper Office London. The times were never better in Rome, than when they had no King and were a free State. As he reflected on the extent of the Colonies in America, he saw the vast empire that was forming, and was conscious it must fashion its own institutions, and reform those of England. But at this time Massachusetts
, was secretly won over to the side of authority. One of the Livingstons could no longer sit in the Assembly, for a law made the office of Judge and Representative incompatible; another who was to be returned from the Manor, was held to be ineligible because he resided in the city. The men of business desired an increase of the paper currency, and the Government gave support to the measure. The tenantry wished to vote not by word of mouth on the nomination of their landlords, but as in New England, and the royalists professed to favor the introduction of the ballot. Above all; in New-York the old cry of No Presbyterian, gave place to that of No Lawyer. John Jay to R. R. Livingston Jr. Jan. 1769. Add to this, that all parties still hoped for an escape from strife by some Plan of Union; Chap. XXXIX.} 1769. Jan. that Grafton, who was much connected with New-York, was believed to be well disposed; that the population was not homogeneous in religion, language, customs, or origin;
uted two Sons of Liberty in their stead. Cambridge charged Thomas Gardner, its representative, to use his best endeavors, that all their rights might be transmitted inviolable to the latest posterity; and the excellent man proved true to his New England town. Nor let history speak Chap. XLI.} 1769. May. the praise only of those who win glory in the field or high honors in the State; a place should be reserved for a husbandman like him, rich in the virtues of daily life, of calm and modest IV. 342-344. Miner's History of Wyoming. did not forget that by its Charter, its possessions extended indefinitely to the West; and a company of military Adventurers, headed by one of its most intelligent sons, Timothy Dwight's Travels in New England and New-York, i. 308. was also soliciting leave from the Government in England to lead forth a Colony to the southwestern banks of the Mississippi. W. S. Johnson to Jos. Trumbull, 15 April, 1769. Compare Martin's Louisiana, II. 35; Monette
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