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Browsing named entities in a specific section of The Daily Dispatch: August 30, 1861., [Electronic resource]. Search the whole document.

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George Russell (search for this): article 15
Mr. Russell's second letter on the Manassas rout — an editorial from the London Times. We subjoin a few extracts from Mr. Russell's second letter, dated Washington, July 24th, 1861: Lincoln's Cabinet. In the States one thing is certain — the Cabinet will resist the pressure of the mob or be hurled out of office. If they yield to the fanatics and fight battles against the advice of their officers, they must be beaten, and the tone of New York indicates that a second defeat would cMr. Russell's second letter, dated Washington, July 24th, 1861: Lincoln's Cabinet. In the States one thing is certain — the Cabinet will resist the pressure of the mob or be hurled out of office. If they yield to the fanatics and fight battles against the advice of their officers, they must be beaten, and the tone of New York indicates that a second defeat would cost them their political existence. They can resist such pressure in future as has been brought on them hitherto by pointing to Bull Run, and by saying, "See the result of forcing General Scott against his wishes. " Of the Cabinet, Mr. Chase, the Secretary of the Treasury, is perhaps the only man who bore up against the disheartening intelligence of Monday morning; but Mr. Seward and others are recovering their spirits as they find that their army was more frightened than hurt, and that th<
Bomba Lincoln (search for this): article 15
Mr. Russell's second letter on the Manassas rout — an editorial from the London Times. We subjoin a few extracts from Mr. Russell's second letter, dated Washington, July 24th, 1861: Lincoln's Cabinet. In the States one thing is certain — the Cabinet will resist the pressure of the mob or be hurled out of office. If they yield to the fanatics and fight battles against the advice of their officers, they must be beaten, and the tone of New York indicates that a second defeat would cost them their political existence. They can resist such pressure in future as has been brought on them hitherto by pointing to Bull Run, and by saying, "See the result of forcing General Scott against his wishes. " Of the Cabinet, Mr. Chase, the Secretary of the Treasury, is perhaps the only man who bore up against the disheartening intelligence of Monday morning; but Mr. Seward and others are recovering their spirits as they find that their army was more frightened than hurt, and that the
Gen Beauregard (search for this): article 15
20,000 Nineteen regiments, whose term of service was up, or would be within a week, all refused to stay an hour over their time, with the exception of four. Five regiments have gone home, two more go to-day, and three more to-morrow. To avoid being cut off with the remainder, I fell back and occupied this place."--This is, we think, one of the most astounding incidents in the history of war. It entirely agrees with the statement given by our special correspondent, that while the cannon of Beauregard were thundering in their ears, a regiment of volunteers passed him on their way home, their three months term of service being complete. If such a thing had happened to one corps, it might have been set down to the bad counsels of one or more discontented spirits, or to the injudicious conduct of some commanding officers. But here it is evident that the whole volunteer army of the Northern States is worthless as a military organization. It is useless to comment on the behavior of men wh
Beat Johnston (search for this): article 15
ening back to their respective districts, to be received with the loudest plaudits of their friends. The 14th Ohio, on returning to Toledo, "experienced a very cordial reception." It was mentioned that, after a few weeks' furlough they would be ready to enlist — those few weeks, for all that they know, being destined to decide the fate of the Union forever. But the most extraordinary case is that of General Patterson's army. The General, according to his own account, was in front of General Johnston, who had 40,000 men. "My force is less than 20,000 Nineteen regiments, whose term of service was up, or would be within a week, all refused to stay an hour over their time, with the exception of four. Five regiments have gone home, two more go to-day, and three more to-morrow. To avoid being cut off with the remainder, I fell back and occupied this place."--This is, we think, one of the most astounding incidents in the history of war. It entirely agrees with the statement given by our
could? Thus the men of a volunteer battery marched off, leaving their guns on the ground, the very morning of the engagement, because their three months term of service was up, and the Pennsylvania regiment exhibited a similar spirit. The 69th (Irish) volunteered to serve as long as they were required, and so did some other corps, I believe. But there must be something rotten in the system, military and political, which generates such sentiments, and develops neither the sense of military hoe any fancy to publish them, and columns of letter, from the soldiers, and pages of incidents of the battle which may be consulted by the curious; but there is a concurrence of testimony to the good conduct of Blenker's Germans, the Sixty-Ninth, (Irish,) and the Seventy-Ninth, (Scotch) Capt. Meagher, indeed, I am told, yielded to the universal panic, and was seen on foot at Centreville making the best of his way towards Fort Corcoran, with exclamations which implied that for the moment he recog
ter between any regiments. There was not a single battery charged or taken by the Federalists. There were no masked batteries in play by the former. There was no annihilation of rebel horse by Zouaves — Fire or other. A volley fired by one battalion emptied three saddles among a body of horse who appeared at some distance, and the infantry which performed the execution then retired. There were no desperate struggles except by those who wanted to get away. The whole matter, in plain English, amounts to this. Now the Federal officers talk of the defeat. * * The tone in which some officers speak of being "whipped" is almost beautiful and exultant. Last night I heard one declaring he thought it was a good thing they were beaten, as it would put an end to the fighting; "he was quite sure none of his men would ever face the Confederates again." Another was of opinion that it was lucky they had not advanced much further, as in that case they could not have escaped so well.
develops neither the sense of military honor nor any of that affectionate devotion for the Union which is called by one party in America patriotism. The fighting of the Germans, Irish and Scotch. No doubt the papers will furnish detailed lists of killed and wounded, if you have any fancy to publish them, and columns of letter, from the soldiers, and pages of incidents of the battle which may be consulted by the curious; but there is a concurrence of testimony to the good conduct of Blenker's Germans, the Sixty-Ninth, (Irish,) and the Seventy-Ninth, (Scotch) Capt. Meagher, indeed, I am told, yielded to the universal panic, and was seen on foot at Centreville making the best of his way towards Fort Corcoran, with exclamations which implied that for the moment he recognized the Southern Confederacy as highly belligerent. Col. Corcoran, conspicuous by his great stature, being a man of six feet and half in height, was an object of attraction to the enemy, and is lying dangerously
July 24th, 1861 AD (search for this): article 15
Mr. Russell's second letter on the Manassas rout — an editorial from the London Times. We subjoin a few extracts from Mr. Russell's second letter, dated Washington, July 24th, 1861: Lincoln's Cabinet. In the States one thing is certain — the Cabinet will resist the pressure of the mob or be hurled out of office. If they yield to the fanatics and fight battles against the advice of their officers, they must be beaten, and the tone of New York indicates that a second defeat would cost them their political existence. They can resist such pressure in future as has been brought on them hitherto by pointing to Bull Run, and by saying, "See the result of forcing General Scott against his wishes. " Of the Cabinet, Mr. Chase, the Secretary of the Treasury, is perhaps the only man who bore up against the disheartening intelligence of Monday morning; but Mr. Seward and others are recovering their spirits as they find that their army was more frightened than hurt, and that the
October, 8 AD (search for this): article 15
xpense of the Government. It is reported in Washington that steps were taken long ago to supply the places of the retiring battalions, and that there were also offers of eighty-three battalions, which have been accepted by the Government, sent in as soon as the news of the disaster at Bull Run was communicated to the North. How the regiments about to leave in a day or two were sent into the field at all, is one of the mysteries of the War Department. [editorial from the London Times, Aug. 10.] The people of the Northern States of America are behaving after their defeat in a manner which is somewhat unaccountable. They do not seem at all inclined to lessen its importance. They do not affect to conceal that they have been totally and disgracefully defeated, that their opinions of their own merits and of their enemy's deficiencies were unfounded, and that, instead of a short and brilliant campaign, they must either prepare for a desperate war or give up the scheme of subjugat
ll take the rail homeward while New York rowdies and Boston Abolitionists are desolating the villages of Virginia. In all ages success in war has inclined to the party which is fighting for an existence, and is consequently steeled to a sterner resolve.--There is a want of this earnestness to be noticed in the conduct of the Northerners. They take things easy to degree which astonishes as Englishman who recollects the frenzy which followed the first misfortunes of our army at the end of 1854. The whole story of the battle of Bull Run is given by the Northern papers, of course with many variations, but we are bound to any, with entire candor. The completeness of the defeat, the courage of the enemy, and the panic of their own army, are not extenuated or denied in any way. There is, of course, the usual tendency to lay the blame on the commanders, and to save the self-love of the army at the expense of its chiefs. But, making allowances for this, it is probable not only that the
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