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Browsing named entities in a specific section of William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik. Search the whole document.

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William H. Herndon (search for this): chapter 14
Chapter 13. Growth of Lincoln's reputation. his dejection. Greeley's letters. Herndon's mission to the Eastern states. interviews with Seward, Douglas, Greeley, Beecher, and others. the letter from Boston. the Springfield convention. Lincoln nominated Senator. the house-divided against-itself speech. reading it to his friends. their comments and complaints. Douglas's first speech in Chicago. the joint canvass. Lincoln and Douglas contrasted. Lincoln on the stump. posipast. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. The following recent letter from Mr. Campbell is not without interest: La Salle, Ill., Dec., 12th. 1888. Jesse W. Weik, Esq. My Dear Sir:--I gave Mr. Lincoln some money in the office of Lincoln & Herndon in Springfiell in 1856, but I do not remember the exact amount. It was, however, between two and three, hundred dollars. I never had Mr. Lincoln's obligation for the payment of any money. I never kept any account of nor charged my memory with
T. Lyle Dickey (search for this): chapter 14
part free. He had incorporated it in a speech at Bloomington in 1856, but in obedience to the emphatic protest of Judge T. Lyle Dickey and others, who conceived the idea that its delivery would make abolitionists of all the North and slavery propagam I said to him, What in God's name could induce you to promulgate such an opinion? He replied familiarly, Upon my soul, Dickey, I think it is true. I reasoned to show it was not a correct opinion. He argued strenuously that the opinion was a sountes reflection he rose and approached me, extending his right hand to take mine, and said, From respect for you Judgment, Dickey, I'll promise you I won't teach the doctrine again during this campaign. --Letter, T. Lyle Dickey, Ms., December 8, 186T. Lyle Dickey, Ms., December 8, 1866. Now, however, the situation had changed somewhat. There had been a shifting of scenes, so to speak. The Republican party had gained some in strength and more in moral effectiveness and force. Nothing could keep back in Lincoln any longer, senti
Saxon (search for this): chapter 14
rward and seized upon the farthest posterity. They erected a beacon to guide their children, and their children's children, and the countless myriads who should inhabit the earth in other ages. Wise statesmen as they were, they knew the tendency of prosperity to breed tyrants, and so they established these great self-evident truths, that when in the distant future some man, some faction, some interest, should set up the doctrine that none but rich men, none but white men, or none but Anglo-Saxon white men were entitled to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, their posterity might look up again to the Declaration of Independence and take courage to renew the battle which their fathers began, so that truth and justice and mercy and all the humane and Christian virtues might not be extinguished from the land; so that no man would hereafter dare to limit and circumscribe the great principles on which the temple of liberty was being built. Now, my countrymen, if you have bee
Theodore Parker (search for this): chapter 14
not be interesting to you, but however it may be, it is my duty to state what is going on, so that you may head it off — counteract it in some way. I hope it can be done. The northern men are cold to me — somewhat repellent. Your friend, W. H. Herndon. On my return home I had encouraging news to relate. I told Lincoln of the favorable mention I had heard of him by Phillips, Sumner, Seward, Garrison, Beecher, and Greeley. I brought with me additional sermons and lectures by Theodore Parker, who was warm in his commendation of Lincoln. One of these was a lecture on The effect of slavery on the American people, which was delivered in the Music Hall in Boston, and which I gave to Lincoln, who read and returned it. He liked especially the following expression, which he marked with a pencil, and which he in substance afterwards used in his Gettysburg address: Democracy is direct self-government, over all the people, for all the people, by all the people. Meanwhile, passing
Henry C. Whitney (search for this): chapter 14
een United States Senator for several years, and had influential friends holding comfortable government offices all over the State. These men were on hand at every meeting, losing no opportunity to applaud lustily all the points Douglas made and to lionize him in every conceivable way. The ingeniously contrived display of their enthusiasm had a marked effect on certain crowds — a fact of which Lincoln frequently complained to his friends. One who accompanied him during the canvass Henry C. Whitney, Ms., July 21, 1865. relates this: Lincoln and I were at the Centralia agricultural fair the day after the debate at Jonesboro. Night came on and we were tired, having been on the fair grounds all day. We were to go north on the Illinois Central railroad. The train was due at midnight, and the depot was full of people. I managed to get a chair for Lincoln in the office of the superintendent of the railroad, but small politicians would intrude so that he could scarcely get a moment's
Leonard Swett (search for this): chapter 14
this instance, Webster's effort was carefully read by Lincoln and served in part as his model. Lincoln had now created in reality a more profound impression than he or his friends anticipated. Many Republicans deprecated the advanced ground he had taken, the more so as the Democrats rejoiced that it afforded them an issue clear and well-defined. Numbers of his friends distant from Springfield, on reading his speech, wrote him censorious letters; and one well-informed co-worker Leonard Swett. predicted his defeat, charging it to the first ten lines of the speech. These complaints, coming apparently from every quarter, Lincoln bore with great patience. To one complainant who followed him into his office he said proudly. If I had to draw a pen across my record, and erase my whole life from sight, and I had one poor gift or choice left as to what I should save from the wreck, I should choose that speech and leave it to the world unerased. Meanwhile Douglas had returned fr
Horace Greeley (search for this): chapter 14
wth of Lincoln's reputation. his dejection. Greeley's letters. Herndon's mission to the Eastern states. interviews with Seward, Douglas, Greeley, Beecher, and others. the letter from Boston. the debate. The result. more letters from Horace Greeley. how Lincoln accepted his defeat. a specving at the hands of Horace Greeley. I think Greeley, he complained, is not doing me right. His crs were driving the enthusiasm out of him. Greeley's letters were very pointed and sometimes savbeen in correspondence on my own account with Greeley, Seward, Sumner, Phillips, and others for sevus stages, but had never met any of them save Greeley. I enjoyed heartily the journey and the variy they get their cue, ideas, or what not from Greeley, Seward, et al. By-the-bye, Greeley remarked Greeley remarked to me this, The Republican standard is too high; we want something practical. This may not be inle apportionment law then in operation. Horace Greeley was one of the most vigilant men during th[9 more...]
Hayne (search for this): chapter 14
then let me go down linked to the truth-let me die in the advocacy of what is just and right. The next day, the 17th, the speech was delivered just as we had heard it read. Up to this time Seward had held sway over the North by his higher-law sentiments, but the house-divided-against-itself speech by Lincoln in my opinion drove the nail into Seward's political coffin. In any student of oratorical history, after reading Lincoln's speech on this occasion, will refer to Webster's reply to Hayne in the Senate, he will be struck with the similarity in figure and thought in the opening lines of both speeches. In fact, it may not be amiss to note that, in this instance, Webster's effort was carefully read by Lincoln and served in part as his model. Lincoln had now created in reality a more profound impression than he or his friends anticipated. Many Republicans deprecated the advanced ground he had taken, the more so as the Democrats rejoiced that it afforded them an issue clear
J. O. Cunningham (search for this): chapter 14
ss though he was, welcomed a contest with such a man as Lincoln. Four years before, in a joint debate with him, he had asked for a cessation of forensic hostilities, conceding that his opponent of rail-splitting fame had given him more trouble than all the United States Senate together. Now he was brought face to face with him again. Douglas and I, for the first time this canvass, crossed swords here yesterday. The fire flew some, and I am glad to know I am yet alive. --Lincoln to J. O. Cunningham, Ottawa, Ill., August 22, 1858, Ms. It is unnecessary and not in keeping with the purpose of this work to reproduce here the speeches made by either Lincoln or Douglas in their justly renowned debate. Briefly stated, Lincoln's position was announced in his opening speech at Springfield: A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this Government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved, I do not expect the house to
Anti-Slavery Standard (search for this): chapter 14
tween puffs he responded that neither was he in the way of Lincoln or any one else, and did not intend to invite conflict. He conceived that he had achieved what he had set out to do, and hence did not feel that his course need put him in opposition to Mr. Lincoln or his party. Give Mr. Lincoln my regards, he said, rather warmly, when you return, and tell him I have crossed the river and burned my boat. Leaving Washington, my next point was New York, where I met the editor of the Anti-Slavery Standard, Horace Greeley, Henry Ward Beecher, and others. I had, a long talk with Greeley, whom I noticed leaned toward Douglas. I found, however, he was not at all hostile to Lincoln. I presented the latter's case in the best phase I knew how, but while I drew but little from him, I left feeling that he hadn't been entirely won over. He introduced me to Beecher, who, as everybody else did, inquired after Lincoln and through me sent him words of encouragement and praise. Lincoln's grea
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