hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
Jefferson Davis 1,039 11 Browse Search
United States (United States) 542 0 Browse Search
G. T. Beauregard 325 1 Browse Search
Washington, Ga. (Georgia, United States) 190 22 Browse Search
J. E. Johnston 186 0 Browse Search
R. E. Lee 172 0 Browse Search
James Grant 161 1 Browse Search
W. Porcher Miles 137 1 Browse Search
Mississippi (Mississippi, United States) 128 0 Browse Search
Stateprisoner Davis 126 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 2. Search the whole document.

Found 57 total hits in 18 results.

1 2
Texas (Texas, United States) (search for this): chapter 81
usly disturbed by the question of prohibition, which became a prominent issue in the politics of Texas. A constitutional amendment to prohibit the manufacture or the sale of any intoxicating liquorse, and beer, was to be submitted to popular vote. Scores of letters from Mr. Davis's friends in Texas besought an expression of opinion by him. Mr. Davis declined to answer, as he had no desire to creason for not replying was an unwillingness to enter into a controversy in which my friends in Texas stood arrayed against each other. In departing from the rule heretofore observed, I trust ths a legacy to their posterity. Impelled by the affection and gratitude I feel for the people of Texas, and the belief that a great question of American policy is involved in the issue you have beforr account of the controversy. It ended in the complete overthrow of the prohibitory movement in Texas, but the disturbance created by the abuse of him impaired his health, now quite feeble, and grie
Brookhaven (Mississippi, United States) (search for this): chapter 81
eriod of reconstruction, will require no words to enforce the horrors of a condition which should expose our people to spies, informers, and arbitrary power. The influence of science and religion have brought the fruit of increased morality, and in its train a temperance far exceeding that of any period historically recorded. Why not trust to these and like means for moral reform? Respectfully yours, Jefferson Davis. Among the criticisms evoked by this letter was an address at Brookhaven, Miss., by a bishop of the Methodist Church South, which was reported by the Times-Democrat of New Orleans. Mr. Davis responded to this address in an open letter to the reverend orator, for which I have space for a few extracts only. You have expressed sorrow, Mr. Davis wrote, because I answered the inquiry of a friend for my opinion on a political question, and employed many kind and complimentary expressions in regard to me; but in view of your persistence in unjustified assailm
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 81
the statistical facts in regard to the effect produced in other States by this effort to control morals by legislation, and I will not encumber this letter by any reference to those facts. You have already provision for local prohibition. If it has proven the wooden horse in which a disguised enemy to State sovereignty as the guardian of individual liberty was introduced, then let it be a warning that the progressive march would probably be from village to State, and from State to United States. A Governmental supervision and paternity, instead of the liberty the heroes of 1776 left as a legacy to their posterity. Impelled by the affection and gratitude I feel for the people of Texas, and the belief that a great question of American policy is involved in the issue you have before you, the silence I had hoped to observe has been broken. If the utterance shall avail anything for good, it will compensate me for the objurgations with which I shall doubtless be pursued by the
St. George, W. Va. (West Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 81
m habit is reported by statistics to be increasing, and, sad to relate, that its greatest ravages are among the gentler and finer sex. Laws exist, but fail to prevent the abuse. In this, prohibition does not prohibit. Are there not other means? Is there no Peter to preach a crusade for the redemption of woman, the mother of Jesus? of woman, the last at the cross, and first at the sepulchre? of woman, the consoling friend in the hospitals, the leader in all the charities? Is there no St. George to stay the hydra that is poisoning the salt of the earth? I do not deprecate the effort to abate the evil of intemperance, but here is an evil more deleterious to mind and body, and why, it is asked, is the field unoccupied to which humanity and manhood are both calling for laborers? Atheism reviles, and free thought, namely want of thought, denies the truth of revelation, and in the broad day scoffs at the plan of salvation. The month in which you made your address is reputed to ha
Biloxi (Mississippi, United States) (search for this): chapter 81
e had no desire to come, even indirectly, before the public again. Finally, after a most urgent letter from his life-long and much-beloved friend, Colonel F. R. Lubbock, he consented to write a letter for publication. It is as follows: Beauvoir, Miss., June 20, 1887. Colonel F. R. Lubbock. My Dear Friend My reason for not replying was an unwillingness to enter into a controversy in which my friends in Texas stood arrayed against each other. In departing from the rule heretofore oly after the letter was published, it was announced that Mr. Davis favored a prohibition policy, because at a camp meeting he had worn a temperance badge and complimented one of the lady orators! In a letter to Reverend W. M. Leftwich, dated Beauvoir, August 24, 1887, Mr. Davis thus disposed of this absurd electioneering trick: Though we may disagree as to the best remedies against intemperance, we cannot differ as to the desirability of its suppression, and I would be least of all will
y of social existence; to give adequate power, and yet efficiently to guard against the perversions of the grant, is the problem which the wisdom of ages has but partially solved. Hence the maxim, Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty. There are surely better remedies for offence against the peace and good order of society than such a departure from our principles of constitutional liberty and community independence as would be Federal legislation to enforce a sumptuary policy. Father Mathew found reason and moral suasion such potent factors that his good work was not of a day, but lives after him in some who took the pledge, and others who have joined the temperance societies. These and other causes have so acted upon public opinion and social habits, as to give the prohibition movement the possibilities it now has, and could not have enjoyed in the not remote past. Why not trust to religion and education, to refinement and science, aided by the laws which have had the sa
f my life for the Constitution and the liberties it was formed to secure, remains as ardent in age as it was in youth. The Methodist Church South has been to me the object of admiration and grateful affection, because of its fidelity to principle despite the pressure of wealth and power, by the good of its underpaid ministers, who have gone along the highways to penetrate unfrequented regions, and there preach the gospel to the poor. Often has my memory recalled the prophetic vision of Bishop Marvin. Will it be fulfilled by introducing politics into the organization of the Church he nobly illustrated? Fanaticism looks through a reversed telescope, minimizing everything save its special object. What though one should point a prohibitionist to the civilizing, harmonizing, peace-securing, comfort-giving effects of commerce among the nations? If he thought it interfered with his peculiar ism, would he not probably answer by irrelevant catchwords? The time was when sumptuary law
between the sentiments of that letter and those which Mrs. Chapin had more forcibly expressed. Pleased at my congratulations, she asked me to write my name in her book. Not knowing what all this might imply, I declined. She offered me the badge she wore; this I declined also, because I did not know the creed and canons of the order, and could not accept its emblem-declining, however, with a pleasant courtesy and deference which is habitual with me to a lady. She had learned from Miss Willard the sympathy my wife felt with the efforts of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, and proposed that I should take the badge to Mrs. Davis. I made no objection, and she transferred the badge she wore to the lapel of my coat. I wore it to my home and delivered it with the message to my wife, who acknowledged it in a personal letter to Mrs. Chapin, which she published. I saw no evil, and hoped much good, from the measure of local option by which public opinion and law would go hand
ifferent construction. Four days after it was written I went to the sea-shore camp ground, and after the morning service was invited to dinner, and sat next to Mrs. Chapin at the table. She was to lecture in the afternoon, and very naturally led our conversation to the subject of which she is a zealous advocate. Agreeing as we das fresh in my mind; it conveyed my deliberate opinion, and I did not tzen, nor do I now, see any conflict between the sentiments of that letter and those which Mrs. Chapin had more forcibly expressed. Pleased at my congratulations, she asked me to write my name in her book. Not knowing what all this might imply, I declined. rred the badge she wore to the lapel of my coat. I wore it to my home and delivered it with the message to my wife, who acknowledged it in a personal letter to Mrs. Chapin, which she published. I saw no evil, and hoped much good, from the measure of local option by which public opinion and law would go hand in hand in a homoge
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 81
. the prohibition issue. In 1887 the repose of Mr. Davis's life was grievously disturbed by the question ofsubmitted to popular vote. Scores of letters from Mr. Davis's friends in Texas besought an expression of opinion by him. Mr. Davis declined to answer, as he had no desire to come, even indirectly, before the public again.er the letter was published, it was announced that Mr. Davis favored a prohibition policy, because at a camp med W. M. Leftwich, dated Beauvoir, August 24, 1887, Mr. Davis thus disposed of this absurd electioneering trick:ion, and proposed that I should take the badge to Mrs. Davis. I made no objection, and she transferred the baas reported by the Times-Democrat of New Orleans. Mr. Davis responded to this address in an open letter to thefew extracts only. You have expressed sorrow, Mr. Davis wrote, because I answered the inquiry of a fl absorbent? As these excerpts clearly convey Mr. Davis's view of the issue involved, it does not seem nec
1 2