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A. F. Warley (search for this): chapter 2.12
re this vessel is ready, I shall meet him, however unprepared I may be. We have an additional force of mechanics from the city this morning, and I hope that by to-morrow night the motive power of the Louisiana will be ready, and that in the meantime her battery will be in place and other preparations will be completed, so as to enable her to act against the enemy. When ready, you will be immediately advised. In this refusal Captain Mitchell was supported by Captains McIntosh, Huger, and Warley. Two other notes were also addressed him this day, requesting that fire-barges be sent down and a vigilant outlook kept from all his vessels, and asking his cooperation should be enemy attempt to pass during the night. This was promised, but no success attended the attempts at sending down fire-barges, for which there was no excuse; for, although the tugs were not in working order, there was six boats of the river fleet available, and fire-barges were plentiful. No immediate relief being l
Stonewall Jackson (search for this): chapter 2.12
ng their guns, few of them having ever seen a cannon fired. In his account of the capitulation in the cabin of the Harriet Lane, Admiral Porter says: As we were about to sign the terms, I was quite surprised to find that it was not expected that the vessels of war were to be included in the terms agreed to by the Confederate officers. Surprised, indeed! when that very morning Colonel Higgins had sent his letter of the same day (April 28th), offering the surrender of these forts (Jackson and St. Philip), which he commanded; and closing with the words, we have no control over the vessels afloat. [See note, p. 51.] Moreover, in the terms presented to Duncan when he went on board, which the Admiral says he had prepared before, nothing is said of the surrender of the naval forces. Such a contradictory statement, however, has its parallel in the assertion as to the effect of the explosion of the Louisiana, that it fairly shook us all out of our seats and threw the Harriet La
Shryock (search for this): chapter 2.12
re-rafts to-night, as the attack may be made at any time. The flags referred to were planted under cover of a perfect hail of shells. At about 9 P. M., Lieutenant Shryock, C. S. N., Captain Mitchell's aide, came ashore to inform General Duncan that the Louisiana would be ready for service by the next evening (the 24th). Genert time was everything to us, and that tomorrow would in all probability prove too late. Lieutenant-Colonel Higgins warmly seconded this opinion, and warned Lieutenant Shryock that the final battle was imminent within a few hours. In regard to lighting the river, Lieutenant Shryock stated that fire-barges would be sent down regulLieutenant Shryock stated that fire-barges would be sent down regularly every two hours throughout the night, and as none had been sent up to that hour (9:30 P. M.), he left, informing these officers that the matter would be attended to as soon as he arrived on board. Hour after hour passed, and not a barge was lighted. In consequence of this neglect, the river remained in complete darkness the
Johnson K. Duncan (search for this): chapter 2.12
Confederate responsibilities for Farragut's success. I. James Grimshaw Duncan, son of the Commander of Fort Jackson and Fort St. Philip. On the 22d of April, by order of Major-General Lovell, everything afloat, including the towboats and the entire control of the fire-barges formerly under General J. K. Duncan, was turned over to Captain J. K. Mitchell, commanding the Confederate States naval forces on the lower Mississippi River; and 150 men from both forts were given him as gunners and sharp-shooters for the Louisiana. In an interview with Captain Mitchell on the morning of this date, General Duncan learned that the motive power of the Louisiana was not likely to be completed in time to bring her, as an aggressive steamer, into the pending action. As an ironclad floating battery, mounting sixteen guns of the heaviest caliber, she was then as complete as she would ever be. Under these circumstances General Duncan considered that her best possible position would be below
1860 AD (search for this): chapter 2.12
weight of one entire round of projectiles was approximately: Confederate, 7139 pounds; Union, 20,224; making a difference in favor of the Union force of 13,085 pounds, or nearly 3 to 1 in weight of projectiles. The weight of one entire round of all the Confederate forces afloat (including the 10 guns of the Louisiana that could not be used) was 1760 pounds, and did not equal one round of any one of 4 of the first class United States sloops of war, as, for instance, the Pensacola, which was 1860 pounds. The ordnance of the United States fleet was the heaviest known to any navy of that day; her vessels were inferior to those of no other nation in construction, equipment, and speed, and were manned by officers and crews of unsurpassed courage, skill, training, and discipline. The Confederate armament was composed of the old discarded guns of the United States army and navy, many of which were old smooth bores, rifled or reamed out to a larger caliber; or, if newly cast, made from scra
1760 AD (search for this): chapter 2.12
mity of action. In every other respect the odds were against us. But taking Admiral Porter's own showing of the armaments, it appears that the weight of one entire round of projectiles was approximately: Confederate, 7139 pounds; Union, 20,224; making a difference in favor of the Union force of 13,085 pounds, or nearly 3 to 1 in weight of projectiles. The weight of one entire round of all the Confederate forces afloat (including the 10 guns of the Louisiana that could not be used) was 1760 pounds, and did not equal one round of any one of 4 of the first class United States sloops of war, as, for instance, the Pensacola, which was 1860 pounds. The ordnance of the United States fleet was the heaviest known to any navy of that day; her vessels were inferior to those of no other nation in construction, equipment, and speed, and were manned by officers and crews of unsurpassed courage, skill, training, and discipline. The Confederate armament was composed of the old discarded guns
23rd (search for this): chapter 2.12
the preparation of the vessel for battle. Under these circumstances it would, in my estimation, be hazarding too much to place her under the fire of the enemy. Every effort is being made to prepare her for the relief of Fort Jackson, the condition of which is fully felt by me; and the very moment I can venture to face our enemy with any reasonable chance of success, be assured, General, I will do it, and trust that the result will show you that I am now pursuing the right course. On the 23d, Captain Mitchell replied to another urgent request from General Duncan: I know the importance to the safety of Forts Jackson and St. Philip and the city of New Orleans of having this vessel in proper condition before seeking an encounter with the enemy. If he seeks one or attempts the passage of the forts before this vessel is ready, I shall meet him, however unprepared I may be. We have an additional force of mechanics from the city this morning, and I hope that by to-morrow night the
April 22nd (search for this): chapter 2.12
Confederate responsibilities for Farragut's success. I. James Grimshaw Duncan, son of the Commander of Fort Jackson and Fort St. Philip. On the 22d of April, by order of Major-General Lovell, everything afloat, including the towboats and the entire control of the fire-barges formerly under General J. K. Duncan, was turned over to Captain J. K. Mitchell, commanding the Confederate States naval forces on the lower Mississippi River; and 150 men from both forts were given him as gunners and sharp-shooters for the Louisiana. In an interview with Captain Mitchell on the morning of this date, General Duncan learned that the motive power of the Louisiana was not likely to be completed in time to bring her, as an aggressive steamer, into the pending action. As an ironclad floating battery, mounting sixteen guns of the heaviest caliber, she was then as complete as she would ever be. Under these circumstances General Duncan considered that her best possible position would be below
April 24th, 1862 AD (search for this): chapter 2.12
nforming these officers that the matter would be attended to as soon as he arrived on board. Hour after hour passed, and not a barge was lighted. In consequence of this neglect, the river remained in complete darkness the entire night. The bombardment continued all night, and toward morning grew furious. At 3:30 A. M. the large vessels of the enemy were observed in motion. General Duncan then made this, his last and final appeal to Captain Mitchell: Fort Jackson, La., 3:30 A. M., April 24th, 1862. Captain: As I anticipated, and informed you yesterday, the enemy are taking up their positions at the present moment, with their large ships, on the St. Philip shore, to operate against Fort Jackson. They are placing themselves boldly, with their lights at their mast-heads. You are assuming a fearful responsibility if you do not come at once to our assistance with the Louisiana and the fleet. I can say no more. Mitchell did not come, but Farragut did. Ii.John K. Mitchell,
1887 AD (search for this): chapter 2.12
went on board, which the Admiral says he had prepared before, nothing is said of the surrender of the naval forces. Such a contradictory statement, however, has its parallel in the assertion as to the effect of the explosion of the Louisiana, that it fairly shook us all out of our seats and threw the Harriet Lane over on her side, but we finished the terms. . . . The Louisiana was blown up just before reaching the flotilla. Lieutenant William M. Bridges, Adjutant of Fort Jackson, now (1887) a resident of Richmond, Va., was present in the cabin at the signing of the capitulation, and he denies, most emphatically, that such an effect was produced on the Harriet Lane and on those seated in her cabin. My belligerent rights were not impaired or suspended by the surrender of General Duncan and the flying of a flag of truce, to which I was not a party; and had the effect of the explosion been to destroy the Harriet Lane and the entire Federal force, the laws of war would have justi
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