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United States (United States) (search for this): entry lodge-henry-cabot
n Congress in 1886-93, when he was elected United States Senator; reelected, 1899. Among his publilien hereafter landing in the ports of the United States should be able to read and write the langus yet been done foreign immigration to the United States. Three methods of obtaining this further rien to the great body of the people of the United States. On the other hand, immigrants from the Uded the American colonies and built up the United States, are affected but little by the proposed tople who for 250 years have been migrating to America have continued to furnish large numbers of immigrants to the United States, other races of totally different origin, with whom the Englishspeakt, have suddenly begun to immigrate to the United States in large numbers. Russians, Hungarians, Pen —declared in the Cherokee case that the United States could have under its control, exercised byall is the retention of the islands by the United States, and it is to that question that I desire [6 more...]
Philippines (Philippines) (search for this): entry lodge-henry-cabot
to open our markets to the free competition of all the tropical, all the cheapest labor of the world, they are now filled with horror at the thought of admitting to our markets that small fragment of the world's cheap labor contained in the Philippine Islands—something which neither Republicans nor any one else think for one moment of doing. Heedless of their past and of their best traditions, careless of their inconsistencies, utterly regardless of the obvious commercial interests of the Southolicy we offer, on the other hand, is simple and straightforward. We believe in the frank acceptance of existing facts, and in dealing with them as they are and not on a theory of what they might or ought to be. We accept the fact that the Philippine Islands are ours today, and that we are responsible for them before the world. The next fact is that there is a war in those islands which, with its chief in hiding, and no semblance of a government, has now degenerated into mere guerilla fighting
Luzon (Philippines) (search for this): entry lodge-henry-cabot
n, which recognized the necessity of an increased army in order to cope with the existing insurrection. The opposition rests its weight on grounds widely different from these. They assert that on moral grounds we have no right to take or retain the Philippines, and that as a matter of expediency our whole Eastern policy was a costly mistake. I traverse both assertions. I deny both propositions. I believe we are in the Philippines as righteously as we are there rightfully and legally. I believe that to abandon the islands, or to leave them now, would be a wrong to humanity, a dereliction of duty, a base betrayal of the Filipinos who have supported us, led by the best men of Luzon, and in the highest degree contrary to sound morals. As to expediency, the arguments in favor of the retention of the Philippines seem to me so overwhelming that I should regard their loss as a calamity to our trade and commerce, and to all our business interests, so great that no man can measure it.
heir own interests. They are the traditional party of expansion—the party which first went beyond seas and tried to annex Hawaii, which plotted for years to annex Cuba, which have in our past acquisitions of territory their one great and enduring monument. In their new wanderings they have developed a highly commendable, if some responsibility without power, and falls into ruin and absurdity the moment it is stated. Another proposition is that we should treat the Philippines as we treat Cuba. That is precisely what we are doing. But what is really meant by this demand is not that we should treat the Philippines as we treat Cuba, but that we should maCuba, but that we should make them a promise as to the future. And that is what every proposition made by those opposed to the Republican party comes down to, a promise as to the future. We are to put down insurrection and disorder, and hold the islands temporarily without the consent of the governed, but simultaneously we are to make large promises as to
Hawaii (Hawaii, United States) (search for this): entry lodge-henry-cabot
s of the country has seen fit to make what is called an issue of the Philippines. They have no alternative policy to propose which does not fall to pieces as soon as it is stated. A large and important part of their membership, North and South, is heartily in favor of expansion, because they are Americans, and have not only patriotism but an intelligent perception of their own interests. They are the traditional party of expansion—the party which first went beyond seas and tried to annex Hawaii, which plotted for years to annex Cuba, which have in our past acquisitions of territory their one great and enduring monument. In their new wanderings they have developed a highly commendable, if somewhat hysterical, tenderness for the rights of men with dark skins dwelling in the islands of the Pacific, in pleasing contrast to the harsh indifference which they have always manifested towards those American citizens who wear the shadowed livery of the burnished sun within the boundaries of
873-76, and the International review in 1879-81; was a Republican Representative in Congress in 1886-93, when he was elected United States Senator; reelected, 1899. Among his publications are A short history of the English colonies in America; Alexander Hamilton; Daniel Webster; Studies in history, etc. Since his entrance into political life he has been a stalwart Republican, and on the questions of the war with Spain and the events growing therefrom he has Henry Cabot Lodge. given President McKinley's administration a hearty and effective support. Besides the following speeches, see election bill, federal. Restriction of immigration. In 1896 Senator Lodge introduced into the Senate a bill to restrict the flood of immigration, the most striking feature of which was the provision of an educational qualifixation, requiring that every alien hereafter landing in the ports of the United States should be able to read and write the language of his native country. The test to ascer
. This view, no doubt, seems visionary. It certainly ought not to be so, and in time I believe it will be accepted. Unfortunately, it is not the case to-day. One of the great political parties of the country has seen fit to make what is called an issue of the Philippines. They have no alternative policy to propose which does not fall to pieces as soon as it is stated. A large and important part of their membership, North and South, is heartily in favor of expansion, because they are Americans, and have not only patriotism but an intelligent perception of their own interests. They are the traditional party of expansion—the party which first went beyond seas and tried to annex Hawaii, which plotted for years to annex Cuba, which have in our past acquisitions of territory their one great and enduring monument. In their new wanderings they have developed a highly commendable, if somewhat hysterical, tenderness for the rights of men with dark skins dwelling in the islands of the
he time has certainly come, if not to stop, at least to check, to sift, and to restrict those immigrants. Problem of the Philippines. On March 7, 1900, Senator Lodge delivered a speech in the Senate on the new relations of the United States in the East, substantially as follows: The questions involved in the future management of these islands, and in our policy in the Far East, are of a nature to demand the highest and the most sagacious statesmanship. I have always thought with Webster that party politics should cease at the water's edge. He spoke only in reference to our relations with foreign nations, but I think we might well apply his patriotic principle to our dealings with our own insular possessions, both in the Atlantic and the Pacific. The Philippines should be an American question, not the sport of parties or the subject of party creeds. The responsibility for them rests upon the American people, not upon the Democratic or American party. If we fail in deali
that there may be no delay in re-establishing civil government when the war ends. The question of our constitutional right and power to govern those islands in any way we please I shall not discuss. Not only is it still in the future, but if authority is lacking, the Constitution gives full right and authority to hold and govern the Philippines without making them either economically or politically part of our system, neither of which they should ever be. When our great chief-justice, John Marshall—magnum et venerabile nomen —declared in the Cherokee case that the United States could have under its control, exercised by treaty or the laws of Congress, a domestic and dependent nation, I think he solved the question of our constitutional relations to the Philippines. Further than the acts and the policy, which I have just stated, I can only give my own opinion and belief as to the future, and as to the course to be pursued in the Philippines. I hope and believe that we shall retain
Lodge, Henry Cabot 1850- Legislator and author; born in Boston, May 12, 1850; graduated at Harvard University in 1871, and at the Harvard Law School in 1875; was admitted to the Suffolk bar in 1876; edited North American review in 1873-76, and the International review in 1879-81; was a Republican Representative in Congress in 1886-93, when he was elected United States Senator; reelected, 1899. Among his publications are A short history of the English colonies in America; Alexander Hamilton; Daniel Webster; Studies in history, etc. Since his entrance into political life he has been a stalwart Republican, and on the questions of the war with Spain and the events growing therefrom he has Henry Cabot Lodge. given President McKinley's administration a hearty and effective support. Besides the following speeches, see election bill, federal. Restriction of immigration. In 1896 Senator Lodge introduced into the Senate a bill to restrict the flood of immigration, the most striki
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