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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 174 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition. 166 0 Browse Search
Baron de Jomini, Summary of the Art of War, or a New Analytical Compend of the Principle Combinations of Strategy, of Grand Tactics and of Military Policy. (ed. Major O. F. Winship , Assistant Adjutant General , U. S. A., Lieut. E. E. McLean , 1st Infantry, U. S. A.) 164 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 1 154 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the Colonization of the United States, Vol. 1, 17th edition. 128 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8 126 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 126 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 118 0 Browse Search
J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary 116 0 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 110 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for France (France) or search for France (France) in all documents.

Your search returned 39 results in 19 document sections:

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e liabilities of pirates, without acknowledging in them the belligerent rights, which would give them unnecessarily a title to interfere with our commerce, and raise a league of slaveholders to a place among the nations of the world. The recognition of belligerent rights in the South would render the relations of this country to either of the American combatants precisely similar to the relations which subsisted during the Crimean War between Prussia on the one hand, and Russia, England, or France, on the other hand. If, indeed, the Declaration of Paris had been signed by America, the case might have been different; but as that Declaration only bound those Governments which signed it, and as America declined to do so, the law of Neutrals during war remains precisely as it was before the year 1854. The result is that both President Lincoln and President Davis may issue letters of marque to those who respectively acknowledge their authority. The lawfully commissioned vessels of war o
tion of power by such State or States can authorize acts in violation of the laws of the United States, or change the character of offences under them. There is another view. Mere rebellion absolves no man from his allegiance. Citizens of the United States, therefore, may not only be subject to the penalties of treason, but if they commit hostilities upon the commerce of the United States, under a commission from any foreign nation, even the oldest and best established, such as England or France for example, they may be dealt with as pirates by the express enactments in the ninth section of the statute of 1790, which has already been referred to. And aliens who are subjects or citizens of any foreign State with whom we have a treaty, such as is described in the statute of 1847, chapter 51, which has already been quoted; if, in violation of such treaty, they make war upon the United States, or cruise against our vessels or property under a commission from any foreign government, howe
of the enemy upon our soil that we shall have cause for mortification. It is the fault of the enemy that he has invaded Virginia; it will be our fault if he does not pay the penalty of his rashness. An army full of strength and power went from France to Moscow; a broken remnant of starving and miserable men returned to France to tell the sad tale of disaster and defeat. Virginia will be the Moscow of the Abolitionists — our armies are gathering to the prey, and so surely as the patriot freemFrance to tell the sad tale of disaster and defeat. Virginia will be the Moscow of the Abolitionists — our armies are gathering to the prey, and so surely as the patriot freemen of the Southern army come in with the mercenary hordes of the North, so surely will they give the world another example of the invincibility of a free people fighting on their own soil for all that is dear to man.--Richmond Enquirer. Virginia is invaded. That horde of thieves, robbers, and assassins in the pay of Abraham Lincoln, commonly known as the army of the United States, have rushed into the peaceful streets of a quiet city of the State, and stained the hearth of Virginia homes wit
ords, for the information of English readers, how it is that the confederacy which Europe knew simply as a political entity has succeeded in dividing itself. The slave States held the doctrine, or say they did, that each State was independent as France or as England, but that for certain purposes they chose a common agent to deal with foreign nations, and to impose taxes for the purpose of paying the expenses of the agency. We, it appears, talked of American citizens when there were no such bey were a week ago. Mr. Jefferson Davis's Message is praised for its moderation, and for other qualities which were by no means in such favor while the Sumter fever was at its height. Men look grave, and talk about the interference of England and France, which cannot allow this thing to go on. But the change which has come over them is unmistakable, and the best men begin to look grave. As for me, I must prepare to open my lines of retreat — my communications are in danger. --London Times.
will not resist you. Ruin us if you will. And so never lift a hand to save us and our children the blessings of liberty. In my heart I do not approve of this course, and what I do not approve, no power on earth shall make me say. I am for the old Constitution of Washington and his compeers. For the old flag, the Stars and Stripes. God bless them; and I am against all factions that would take them from me. It matters not who they are or whence they come. Whether they come from England, France, Massachusetts, or South Carolina. If they would destroy the Government of our fathers, I am against them. No matter what may be the pretext. No, sir, I am for the Union, and I am willing to defend it by any and all proper means. Our Government is the best in the world. It has answered well all the ends for which governments are made. We all know this. It has oppressed no man, nor has it burdened us a feather's weight. It has brought us nothing but blessings. Under it we have been h
or cotton-spinners, agriculturists or manufacturers, but because we are producers and manufacturers, and have money to spend. It is not the South, as it is urged, but the North who are the best consumers of English commerce. The free white laborer and capitalist does now, and always will, consume more than the white master and the slave. The Union and the expansion of the States and the republican policy make us the best market for England and Europe. What las the world to gain--England, France, or any of the powers to gain — by reducing the United States to a Mexican civilization? 3. Can England afford to offend the great nation which will still be The United States of America, even should we lose part of the South? Twenty millions of people to-day, with or without the slave States, in twenty years we will be 40,000,000! In another half century we will be one hundred millions. We will rest upon the Potomac, and on the west banks of the Mississippi River, upon the Gulf of Mexi
angels to me — to bless and protect the poor traveller as he passes through the world. They have looked on me as one who was disgraced in the world — and some of my men bore hard names once. But they are honest and true. They are nature's noblemen. (Cheers.) They are such men as those who guarded the liberty of this country — such as those who guarded the liberties of England, made the King sign Magna Charta--(cheers); they are such men as made Rome a republic, and fought for liberty in France. (Cheers.) They are as the sons of Abraham, who went forth to fight the Philistines. I love that flag, (pointing to the banner,) and though I go upon the torrid, sandy beach of Pensacola, and die there; though I go on the plains of Texas, it matters not. If I go on the plains of Virginia and gain renown, it is well; but wherever we are told to go. we go there, as long as it is for the honor and perpetuity of the flag, the freedom of the world, and the protection of the beautiful city of Ne<
Europe looks on with undisguised and wondering interest, and while France and Germany seem instinctively to appreciate our situation, the Brim England and Ireland, Scotland and Wales, from natives of Catholic France and Protestant Germany — you will have replies from Poles who yet d's letters of marque, now endorsed by the sovereigns of England and France, it will be regarded as an outrage by the civilized world; and thisns. This is the neutrality which England has inaugurated and which France has adopted; and those two great powers, who recently declared in tentures of De Leon and De Soto, the persecution of Protestants from France, and the retaliation on the murderous Spaniards; the capture of St.ppi bubble to its cession to Spain in 1762, and its retrocession to France in 1800, when we hastened to buy it from the First Consul, and you the Courrier des Etats-Unis, has predicted that in the first place France would retake Louisiana, according to ancient treaties, that Spain w
lized world. This fact, so far as it relates to the South, is fully illustrated in the great prosperity of the Spanish, French, and English provinces, during the whole time of the existence of slavery in them, and the sudden and continuous decline of every agricultural and other interest in each and every one of those provinces, from the day on which African slavery was abolished. Every colonial nation availed itself of this great element of laboring power. Spain, under Charles the Fifth, France, under Louis thirteenth, and England, under Elizabeth, all granted to favorite subjects a monopoly of the slave trade, and each derived revenue from the traffic; and African slavery and the slave trade became a part of the political system of each of these great European powers. England was the last to approve and encourage this traffic. At, first its advantages were rejected by her continental provinces, but at length they engaged in it with great activity and success; and the profit to t
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