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A copy of Townsend's first letter to Sheridan, now twelve days old, is sent to General McDowell, from which this eminent soldier learns that his command in the Gulf has been swept away! In telling General Sherman that Sheridan has taken the command in New Orleans, Townsend describes this officer as having annexed the Gulf, and adds by way of clincher, the measure is deemed necessary, and is approved. General Sherman answers dryly: St. Louis: Jan. 6, 1875. Your telegram of the fifth instant, stating that General Sheridan has annexed Department of Gulf to his command, has been received. Meanwhile the President is called to study a remonstrance and appeal from Speaker Wiltz, who first telegraphs to him a brief account of the invasion: I have the honour to inform you that the House of Representatives of this State was organized to day by the election of myself as Speaker, fifty-eight members, two more than a quorum, voting, with a full House present. More than two h
January 3rd (search for this): chapter 5
Chapter 5: the State House. Sunday, January 3, is a busy day in St. Louis Street, the next day being marked, on both sides, as the date on which the great conflict is to be carried from the streets into the legislative halls. Monday is to either make or mar the scalawag government in New Orleans. Out of one hundred and eleven members recently elected to the lower house, fifty-eight are called Conservative, fifty-three Republican; giving the Conservatives not only a legal quorum but a working majority of five members. All these fifty-eight Conservatives are White. If such a house should meet the Kelloggites are lost. A first battle has been fought in the Returning Board — a body of five assessors, who, according to statute, should be chosen from both parties, so as to represent all the great shades of opinion. Kellogg named this board, and in open violation of the law, selected five Republicans. By law the sittings should be held in public, so that every word should b
dalquiver on a summer evening is delicious; and the views of Sevres and St. Cloud are always charming; but the Schuylkill is a more picturesque river than either the Guadalquiver near Seville or the Seine near Paris. The view from George Hill combines the several beauties of the view from Richmond Hill and Greenwich Hill. There is a wooded country rolling backwards into space. There is the wide and winding river at your feet, and, just beyond the river, camps of spires and steeples, towers and domes; and, rising over all, like a new Parthenon, the noble pile called Girard's College. Seen on a sunny day, in the Indian summer, when the forest leaves are burning into gold and crimson, and the shining marble flashes through the air, this view from George Hill is one of the things which, seen, become a part of sight. Yet, in this proud story of American growth, there is some drawback. May one hint that in the halls of victory there is a sad, if not a serious, writing on the wall?
September 14th (search for this): chapter 7
alterns for punishment! This startling telegram to Belknap runs: New Orleans: Jan. 5, 1875. I think that the terrorism now existing in Louisiana, Mississippi, and Arkansas could be entirely removed, and confidence and fair-dealing established, by the arrest and trial of the ringleaders of the armed White Leagues. If Congress would pass a bill declaring them banditti they could be tried by a military commission. The ringleaders of this banditti, who murdered men here on the 14th of September last, and also more recently at Vicksburg, in Mississippi, should, in justice to law and order, and the peace and prosperity of this Southern part of the country, be punished. It is possible that if the President would issue a proclamation declaring them banditti, no further action need be taken, except that which would devolve upon me. P. H. Sheridan. If the President will only declare them banditti! Yes; in that case you can stand aside and leave the rest to me! Is this,
to use troops in anticipation of danger; let the State authorities be right, and then proceed with their duties. Other critics, also of his own party, show as much impatience as the President. Colonel Morrow, a Republican officer, is travelling through the country, and reporting on affairs to General Sherman. Morrow reports, according to his observation, that the South is loyal to the Union, but opposed to scalawags and carpet-baggers. The Republican majority in Congress, scared by the November elections, have appointed a committee to visit New Orleans and look into the state of things. Three members of this committee, Foster of Ohio, a Republican, Phelps of New Jersey, a Republican, and Potter of New York, a Democrat, are in the city taking evidence, and the two Republicans hardly hide their agreement with the Democrat, that the attempt to govern through the aid of Federal soldiery is the cause of all the disorder seen about the Gulf. With critics so unfriendly to disarm, it i
tem rather inquisitorial, eh? Well, no; it is intended for the common good, and everyone submits to what is for the good of all. We freely vote the law, and freely keep the law. But for myself the rule is a dead letter, as no intoxicating drink ever enters my house. In going through the scale mills I notice several classes of artisans. Five hundred men are toiling in the various rooms. The work is mostly hard; in some departments very hard. The heat is often great. From seven till twelve, from one till seven, the men are at their posts. The range of heat and cold is trying; for the summer sun is fierce, the winter frost is keen. Your ordinary citizen cannot live through the summer heats without a trip to Lake Champlain and the Adirondack Mountains. Yet the men engaged in these manufactories are said to drink no beer, no whisky, and no gin. Drinking and smoking are not allowed on the premises. Such orders might be meant for discipline; but I am told that these five hundre
and mother! Three years ago, the Bureau of Education printed a paper on the Vital Statistics of America, which passed like an ice-bolt through the hearts of patriotic Americans. This paper showed that the birth-rate is declining in America from year to year; not in one State only, but in every State. The decline is constant and universal; the same in Arkansas and Alabama as in Massachusetts and Connecticut, in Michigan and Indiana as in Pennsylvania and New York. The rate was higher in 1800 than in 1820; higher in 1820 than in 1840; higher in 1840 than in 1860. The birth-rate is admitted to be larger among the immigrants than among the natives; yet the average, thus increased by strangers, is lower than that of any country in Europe, not excepting the birth-rate of France in the worst days of Louis Napoleon. Some of the ablest statists and physicians of Boston have come to the conclusion that the White race cannot live on the American soil! Nothing has been done by law to m
not in one State only, but in every State. The decline is constant and universal; the same in Arkansas and Alabama as in Massachusetts and Connecticut, in Michigan and Indiana as in Pennsylvania and New York. The rate was higher in 1800 than in 1820; higher in 1820 than in 1840; higher in 1840 than in 1860. The birth-rate is admitted to be larger among the immigrants than among the natives; yet the average, thus increased by strangers, is lower than that of any country in Europe, not excepti1820 than in 1840; higher in 1840 than in 1860. The birth-rate is admitted to be larger among the immigrants than among the natives; yet the average, thus increased by strangers, is lower than that of any country in Europe, not excepting the birth-rate of France in the worst days of Louis Napoleon. Some of the ablest statists and physicians of Boston have come to the conclusion that the White race cannot live on the American soil! Nothing has been done by law to mitigate this curse of an unequal distribution of the sexes. What has been done is the result of accident — as statesmen think of accidents. In 1860 America counted no less than seven hundred and fifty thousand more males than females on her soil. Ten years lat
tter of record, others particular and matter of inference — we see an end of these enormous supplies of English and German settlers in America. For forty years (1820-60) the rate of emigration from English ports rose from decade to decade.. In the first decade, one hundred and fifty-two thousand persons entered the Republic froGermany made her supreme effort of emigration in one decade, after which her movements seemed to dwindle of themselves. In the first ten years of the same period (1820-60), Germany, including Prussia and Austria, sent out less than eight thousand souls; in the second ten years she sent out a hundred and fifty thousand souls; in trict is not far from Varzin, where the German Chancellor lives. Yet Prussia has not fed the tide of emigration much ; her contribution for the whole forty years (1820-60)being less than a hundred thousand souls. The floods have come from Hessen, Baden, and the badly-governed duchies, where Fritz and Karl had each a prince of hi
n every State. The decline is constant and universal; the same in Arkansas and Alabama as in Massachusetts and Connecticut, in Michigan and Indiana as in Pennsylvania and New York. The rate was higher in 1800 than in 1820; higher in 1820 than in 1840; higher in 1840 than in 1860. The birth-rate is admitted to be larger among the immigrants than among the natives; yet the average, thus increased by strangers, is lower than that of any country in Europe, not excepting the birth-rate of France i1840 than in 1860. The birth-rate is admitted to be larger among the immigrants than among the natives; yet the average, thus increased by strangers, is lower than that of any country in Europe, not excepting the birth-rate of France in the worst days of Louis Napoleon. Some of the ablest statists and physicians of Boston have come to the conclusion that the White race cannot live on the American soil! Nothing has been done by law to mitigate this curse of an unequal distribution of the sexes. What has been done is the result of accident — as statesmen think of accidents. In 1860 America counted no less than seven hundred and fifty thousand more males than females on her soil. Ten years later this enormous balance was
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