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Thurlow Weed (search for this): chapter 7
s decidedly protective, but which Calhoun declared was passed more to make a political issue than to please the manufacturers. This opinion was certainly in line with Greeley's recommendation. From that time to the date of his nomination for President, Greeley, with the Tribune at his back, was the foremost advocate of a protective tariff in this country, addressing a larger constituency than any of the tariff advocates in Congress. He was early recognized as an authority on the subject, Weed placing only Hezekiah Niles above him. He was the author of an article in the Merchants' Magazine of May, 1841, which replied to a free-trader's argument, and he and McElrath began, in 1842, the publication of a magazine called The American Laborer, whose purpose was the inculcation of the protective doctrine. In November, 1843, he and Joseph Blunt defended the affirmative side in a debate in the Tabernacle in New York city on the question, Resolved, That a protective tariff is conducive to
Daniel Webster (search for this): chapter 7
ere was to be no distribution of the proceeds of land sales among the States so long as the tariff rate exceeded 20 per cent. The death of Harrison elevated to the presidency a man whom Greeley in later years characterized as an imbittered, implacable enemy of the party which had raised him from obscurity and neglect to the pinnacle of power. The Tribune gave Tyler faithful support in the early part of his administration, even taking the view of only a minority of the Whigs in defending Webster's course in remaining in the Cabinet after his associates, at Clay's instigation, had resigned because of the President's veto of the United States Bank bill. But a visit to Washington in December, 1841, convinced Greeley that Tyler was treacherously coqueting with Loco-focoism with a view to his own renomination. Greeley made a trip in 1842 through parts of New England, New York State, and Pennsylvania, including Washington in his itinerary, and on his return he foreshadowed his view of
Robert J. Walker (search for this): chapter 7
clared it the duty of the Government to extend fair and just protection to all the great interests of the whole Union, had, together with the placing of Dallas on the ticket with him, taken a good deal of the protection wind out of the Whig sails, so that Greeley did not consider the result a fair test of the popular opinion on the tariff. He was encouraged, too, by the speedy passage of a new tariff bill by the Democratic Congress elected with Polk. The new Secretary of the Treasury, Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, in his first report, strongly favored a lighter tariff, making what was considered an attack on the protection policy; and a bill which bore his name was passed (by the casting vote of Vice-President Dallas in the Senate, and against the vote of every Representative but one from Pennsylvania) which divided dutiable articles into classes, those in Schedule C, for instance, which included most products over which there was a special controversy, to pay a duty of 30 per ce
John Tyler (search for this): chapter 7
message at the opening of the regular session in the following December, President Tyler recommended tariff revision, with a view to the substitution of discriminaised him from obscurity and neglect to the pinnacle of power. The Tribune gave Tyler faithful support in the early part of his administration, even taking the view ank bill. But a visit to Washington in December, 1841, convinced Greeley that Tyler was treacherously coqueting with Loco-focoism with a view to his own renominatiction of Henry Clay next President as the veto of an efficient tariff bill by John Tyler .... If a distinct and unequivocal issue can be made upon the great leading qcoming election. That year witnessed the struggle over the tariff between President Tyler and the Whig Congress, the President vetoing two bills Of Tyler's veto,Tyler's veto, the Tribune said: If the spirit of national pride — the feeling of free sovereignty among the people --had not been stifled and destroyed by gradual and almost impe
Clay Tribune (search for this): chapter 7
ht in an easy chair. It was in this campaign that Greeley won his position as the leading Whig expounder and defender of the doctrine of protection. Greeley accepted the election of Polk as a personal defeat of himself. I was the worst beaten man on the continent, was his own later expression. But he also believed that Clay might have been elected had all the Kentuckian's supporters worked as hard as he did. The circulation of 100,000 copies of his Daily Tribune and of 25,000 of his Clay Tribune would, he always thought, have secured Clay's election. Greeley did not ignore, in the next few years, the growing importance of the slavery question, as it was shaping itself in connection with Texas annexation; but he did not abandon the tariff as his favorite leading issue for the campaign of 1848. Polk's letter to John K. Kane, in 1844, in which he had declared it the duty of the Government to extend fair and just protection to all the great interests of the whole Union, had, tog
Samuel J. Tilden (search for this): chapter 7
ve him. He was the author of an article in the Merchants' Magazine of May, 1841, which replied to a free-trader's argument, and he and McElrath began, in 1842, the publication of a magazine called The American Laborer, whose purpose was the inculcation of the protective doctrine. In November, 1843, he and Joseph Blunt defended the affirmative side in a debate in the Tabernacle in New York city on the question, Resolved, That a protective tariff is conducive to our national prosperity, Samuel J. Tilden and Parke Godwin taking the negative. As he printed his argument on this occasion in his autobiography in 1868, it may be accepted as defining the groundwork of his belief. He laid down and explained five positions: 1. A nation which would be prosperous must prosecute various branches of industry, and supply its vital wants mainly by the labor of its own hands. History proved that an agricultural and grain-exporting nation had always been a poor nation. 2. There is a natural
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 7
a statement of his tariff principles his work for Clay in 1844 its effect on his health desire to try the issue four years later Greeley's sympathies were always in favor of a protective tariff. He heard the hard times of his boyhood in New England attributed to the cheapness of English products; both the political parties in the presidential campaign of 1828, when he was an apprentice in the East Poultney office, professed devotion to protection, and speeches which he heard at a consults veto of the United States Bank bill. But a visit to Washington in December, 1841, convinced Greeley that Tyler was treacherously coqueting with Loco-focoism with a view to his own renomination. Greeley made a trip in 1842 through parts of New England, New York State, and Pennsylvania, including Washington in his itinerary, and on his return he foreshadowed his view of the issue to be made prominent in the next presidential campaign in a note from the senior editor, in which he said: The ca
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
s treacherously coqueting with Loco-focoism with a view to his own renomination. Greeley made a trip in 1842 through parts of New England, New York State, and Pennsylvania, including Washington in his itinerary, and on his return he foreshadowed his view of the issue to be made prominent in the next presidential campaign in a notnd a bill which bore his name was passed (by the casting vote of Vice-President Dallas in the Senate, and against the vote of every Representative but one from Pennsylvania) which divided dutiable articles into classes, those in Schedule C, for instance, which included most products over which there was a special controversy, to pay a duty of 30 per cent on their value; the tariff of 1842 provided that iron, in this schedule, should pay so many dollars per ton. In 1846, Pennsylvania, in an off year, chose sixteen Whigs out of her nineteen Representatives in Congress, and the Whigs made encouraging gains in other important States. Greeley strongly favored
New York State (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
s supporters anticipated (Clay looked for its speedy amendment), it was not made a live issue. We find the existing tariff law named in the New Yorker as one of the causes of the hard times of 1836-1837, the possibilities of silk culture in New York State set forth, and the objections of the Evening Post to a proposed State bounty of fifty cents a pound on silk produced in the State warmly combated. The compromise act provided for a reduction of all duties which exceeded 20 per cent under tUnited States Bank bill. But a visit to Washington in December, 1841, convinced Greeley that Tyler was treacherously coqueting with Loco-focoism with a view to his own renomination. Greeley made a trip in 1842 through parts of New England, New York State, and Pennsylvania, including Washington in his itinerary, and on his return he foreshadowed his view of the issue to be made prominent in the next presidential campaign in a note from the senior editor, in which he said: The cause of protecti
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
t bearing, his thrilling eloquence, and his lifelong devotion to what I [Greeley] deemed our country's unity, prosperity, and just renown. The Tribune early in the year had increased its size one-third and treated itself to a new dress (of type). As soon as the Clay ticket was in the field it issued a campaign weekly, called The Clay Tribune, fifteen subscriptions to which (for the campaign) cost only five dollars. Greeley never, probably, worked as he did in that year. His wife was in Massachusetts, and he spent most of his time in the office, scarcely giving himself opportunity to sleep. His contributions to the Tribune averaged three columns a day; he made as many as six speeches in some weeks, and he conducted (without the aid of a secretary) a large correspondence. Very often, he says in his Busy Life, I crept to my lodging near the office at 2 to 3 A. M. with my head so heated by fourteen to sixteen hours of incessant reading and writing that I could only win sleep by means
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