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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders.. Search the whole document.

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Abe Lincoln (search for this): chapter 29
ke shape and fall into more regular channels, so that the necessity for strong dealing with them gradually decreases. I have every reason to desire that it should cease altogether, and far from the least is my regard for the opinions and wishes of those who, like the meeting at Albany, declare their purpose to sustain the Government in every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the rebellion. Still I must continue to do so much as may seem to be required by the public safety. A. Lincoln. Reply of the Albany Democracy. To His Excellency Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States: Sir: Your answer, which has appeared in the public prints, to the resolutions adopted at a recent meeting in the city of Albany affirming the personal rights and liberties of the citizens of this country, has been referred to the undersigned, the committee who prepared and reported those resolutions. The subject will now receive from us some further attention, which your answer seems t
John Mitchel (search for this): chapter 29
inistration that it at once and forever desist from such deeds of despotism and crime. To a meeting in Philadelphia, Mr. Fernando Wood wrote: Do not let us forget that those who perpetrate such outrages as the arrest and banishment of Mr. Vallandigham do so as necessary war measures. Let us, therefore, strike at the cause and declare for peace and against the war. But these protests were within narrow limits; they effected nothing; they were absolutely worthless. The savage wit of John Mitchel in Richmond had this reply in one of its journals: This would sound very well if the said declaring for peace could have any effect whatever in bringing about peace. If a man in falling from a tower could arrest his fall by declaring against it, then the declarations of Democrats against the war might be of some avail. As it is, they resemble that emphatic pronouncement of Mr. Washington Hunt: Let it be proclaimed upon the house-tops that no citizen of New York shall be arrested w
Stonewall Jackson (search for this): chapter 29
ived his judicial mantle at the hands of President Jackson. And still more, of all those democratsat there are none such. And the name of President Jackson recalls an instance of pertinent historyore official knowledge of it had arrived, General Jackson still maintained martial or military law.ublished a denunciatory newspaper article. Gen. Jackson arrested him. A lawyer by the name of Morelof habeas corpus to relieve Mr. Louaillier. Gen. Jackson arrested both the lawyer and the judge. A dertook to serve the writ of habeas corpus, Gen. Jackson took it from him, and sent him away with a ted. A few days more, and the judge called Gen. Jackson into court and fined him a thousand dollarshome. You seem also to have forgotten that Gen. Jackson submitted implicitly to the judgment of the but decidedly rebuked the proceedings of General Jackson, and that the President viewed the subjecon of the devoted and patriotic services of Gen. Jackson, refunded the amount of the fine he had pai[4 more...]
Fauquier (search for this): chapter 29
cent. per bullock. Whole value of the above, in rations, 22,516,194. Total deficit per cent., 43. This calculation is upon the basis of the forces this year in camp and field. Further: it does not include immense supplies purchased from private hands, which cannot be had at all for this winter, because the stock to create them is not in the Confederate lines, and the salt cannot be had if the stock could. Besides, large local supplies have been completely exhausted, as in London and Fauquier and other districts. And even the above estimated subsistence is not at all secure. The hogs, though bargained for, have not all been driven to places of safety. The salt to cure them has not all been secured, and what has been engaged has not all been delivered, and must take its chances for transportation over long distances, upon uncertain roads discordantly connected. It is not safe, then, to rely on these estimates. Added to that, the winter is at hand; the rises of the rivers all
John V. L. Pruyn (search for this): chapter 29
cellency to reexamine the grave subjects we have considered, to the end that on your retirement from the high position you occupy, you may leave behind you no doctrines and no further precedents of despotic power to prevent you and your posterity from enjoying that constitutional liberty which is the inheritance of us all, and to the end, also, that history may speak of your administration with indulgence if it cannot with approval. We are, sir, with great respect, yours very truly, John V. L. Pruyn, Chairman of Committee Albany, June 30, 1863. It is true that the outrage upon Mr. Vallandigham, and, through him, upon. the whole body of American liberties, was the occasion of some forcible expressions of public indignation. A Democratic meeting in New Jersey resolved that in the illegal seizure and banishment of the Hon. C. L. Vallandigham, the laws of the country have been outraged, the name of the United States disgraced, and the rights of every citizen menaced, and tha
Hollander (search for this): chapter 29
had arrived, General Jackson still maintained martial or military law. Now that it could be said the war was over, the clamor against martial law, which had existed from the first, grew more furious. Among other things a Mr. Louaillier published a denunciatory newspaper article. Gen. Jackson arrested him. A lawyer by the name of Morel procured the United States Judge Hall to order a writ of habeas corpus to relieve Mr. Louaillier. Gen. Jackson arrested both the lawyer and the judge. A Mr. Hollander ventured to say of some part of the matter that it was a dirty trick. Gen. Jackson arrested him. When the officer undertook to serve the writ of habeas corpus, Gen. Jackson took it from him, and sent him away with a copy. Holding the judge in custody a few days, the General sent him beyond the limits of his encampment, and set him at liberty, with an order to remain till the ratification of peace should be regularly announced, or until the British should have left the Southern coast.
Ruffin (search for this): chapter 29
r the border States will be lost; while the same reserves, and the accumulations I have been endeavouring to make in Tennessee, are demanded by the armies of General Bragg. Third--As to the relative advantages of procuring supplies from Memphis and from the vicinity of New Orleans, the proposition to make such purchases is not a new idea. They were made at the commencement of the war to an extent which is little known. In an elaborate report on the operations of this Bureau, made by Major Ruffin, under my under and superintendence, and submitted to Congress in January last, it is stated: Experts estimate that the product of about 1,200,000 hogs was imported in the early part of last year (1861), from beyond our present lines into what is now the Southern Confederacy. This was accomplished by the action of State authorities; in some cases by the enterprise of private parties, and by this department, through agencies of its own, Of this number it is estimated that about 300,000 h
William H. Seward (search for this): chapter 29
illimitable proportions. If we may trust you to exercise it mercifully and leniently, your successor, whether immediate or more remote, may wield it with the energy of a Caesar or Napoleon, and with the will of a despot and a tyrant. It is a power without boundary or limit, because it proceeds upon a total suspension of all the constitutional and legal safeguards which protect the rights of a citizen. It is a power not inaptly described in the language of one of your secretaries. Said Mr. Seward to the British minister in Washington: I can touch a bell on my right hand and order the arrest of a citizen of Ohio. I can touch the bell again and order the imprisonment of a citizen of New York, and no power on earth but that of the President can release them. Can the Queen of England, in her dominions, do as much? This is the very language of a perfect despotism, and we learn from you with profound emotion that this is no idle boast. It is a despotism unlimited in principle, beca
Saxon (search for this): chapter 29
upreme will and pleasure. Silence itself is punishable, according to this extraordinary theory, and still more so the expression of opinions, however loyal, if attended with criticism upon the policy of the government. We must respectfully refuse our assent to this theory of constitutional law. We think that men may be rightfully silent if they so choose, while clamorous and needy patriots proclaim the praises of those who wield power; and as to the buts, the is, and the ands, these are Saxon words and belong to the vocabulary of freemen. We have already said that the intuition of a free people instantly rejects these dangerous and unheard — of doctrines. It is not our purpose to enter upon an elaborate and extended refutation of them. We submit to you, however, one or two considerations, in the hope that you will review the subject with the earnest attention which its supreme importance demands. We say, then, we are not aware that the writ of habeas corpus is now suspended
Fernando Wood (search for this): chapter 29
ome forcible expressions of public indignation. A Democratic meeting in New Jersey resolved that in the illegal seizure and banishment of the Hon. C. L. Vallandigham, the laws of the country have been outraged, the name of the United States disgraced, and the rights of every citizen menaced, and that it is now the duty of a law-respecting people to demand cf the Administration that it at once and forever desist from such deeds of despotism and crime. To a meeting in Philadelphia, Mr. Fernando Wood wrote: Do not let us forget that those who perpetrate such outrages as the arrest and banishment of Mr. Vallandigham do so as necessary war measures. Let us, therefore, strike at the cause and declare for peace and against the war. But these protests were within narrow limits; they effected nothing; they were absolutely worthless. The savage wit of John Mitchel in Richmond had this reply in one of its journals: This would sound very well if the said declaring for peace could ha
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