hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
Charles Sumner 1,590 8 Browse Search
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) 850 0 Browse Search
United States (United States) 692 0 Browse Search
Kansas (Kansas, United States) 400 0 Browse Search
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) 360 0 Browse Search
Europe 232 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln 206 0 Browse Search
John Lothrop Motley 200 0 Browse Search
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) 188 0 Browse Search
Missouri (Missouri, United States) 188 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. Search the whole document.

Found 45 total hits in 20 results.

1 2
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 14
s of Freedom,—which was watched by its most devoted champions,—which, like the ark of the covenant, was borne on the shoulders of the early patriarchs of our Israel,—has been prostituted to the uses of Slavery. A body of men, whose principle of union was unknown to the authors of the Constitution, have obtained the control of the government, and caused it to be administered, not in the spirit of Freedom, but in the spirit of Slavery. This combination is known as the Slave Power of the United States. This combination has obtained the sway of both the great political factions of the country. Whatever may be said of the opinions of individuals belonging to these different factions, it would be difficult to say whether the whigs or democrats, in their recent conduct as national parties, had most succumbed to this malign influence. The late Conventions at Baltimore and Philadelphia were controlled by it. At Baltimore, the delegation of the most important State of the Union—known t
Patrick Henry (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
say that the tariff is sectional, because the manufacturers live at the North. It is said that we have but one idea. This I deny; but admitting that it is so, are we not, with our one idea, better than a party with no ideas at all? And what is our one idea? It is the idea which combined our fathers on the heights of Bunker Hill. It is the idea which carried Washington through a seven years war; which inspired Lafayette; which touched with coals of fire the lips of Adams, Otis, and Patrick Henry. Ours is an idea which is, at least, noble and elevating; it is an idea which draws in its train virtue, goodness, and all the charities of life—all that makes earth a home of improvement and happiness. Her path where'er the goddess roves, Glory pursues, and generous shame, The unconquerable mind, and freedom's holy flame. We found now a new party. Its corner-stone is Freedom. Its broad, all-sustaining arches are Truth, Justice, and Humanity. Like the ancient Roman Capitol, at
Baltimore, Md. (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
ats, in their recent conduct as national parties, had most succumbed to this malign influence. The late Conventions at Baltimore and Philadelphia were controlled by it. At Baltimore, the delegation of the most important State of the Union—known to Baltimore, the delegation of the most important State of the Union—known to be opposed to the Wilmot Proviso—was refused admission to the Convention. At Philadelphia, the Wilmot Proviso itself was stifled, according to the report of an Ohio delegate, amidst the cries of Kick it out! General Cass was nominated at BaltimoreBaltimore, pledged against the Wilmot Proviso. General Taylor, at Philadelphia,—without any pledge on this all-important question,—was forced upon the Convention by the Slave Power; nor were any principles of any kind put forth by this body of professing whhose sole cement is a selfish desire for place and power, in disregard of principles? And such were the Conventions at Baltimore and Philadelphia. In marked contrast with these was the recent Convention at Buffalo, where were represented the
Maryland (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
crats, and liberty men,—forgetting alike all former differences, and uniting in a common opposition to the Slave Power. There, by their delegates, was the formidable and unsubdued Democracy of New York; there also was the devoted, inflexible Liberty party of the country; there also were the true-hearted whigs and democrats of all the Free States, who in this great cause of Freedom have been, among the faithless, faithful found. There also were welcome delegates from the Slave States,—from Maryland and Virginia,—anxious to join in this new and truly holy alliance. In uncounted multitude,—mighty in numbers, mightier still in the harmony and unity of their proceedings,— this Convention consummated the object for which it was called. It has presented to the country a platform of principles, and candidates who are the exponents of these principles. In their support the representatives of the parties there assembled,—whigs, democrats, and liberty men,—all united. In the strength
ow is this? Because the slaveholders live at the South? As well might we say that the tariff is sectional, because the manufacturers live at the North. It is said that we have but one idea. This I deny; but admitting that it is so, are we not, with our one idea, better than a party with no ideas at all? And what is our one idea? It is the idea which combined our fathers on the heights of Bunker Hill. It is the idea which carried Washington through a seven years war; which inspired Lafayette; which touched with coals of fire the lips of Adams, Otis, and Patrick Henry. Ours is an idea which is, at least, noble and elevating; it is an idea which draws in its train virtue, goodness, and all the charities of life—all that makes earth a home of improvement and happiness. Her path where'er the goddess roves, Glory pursues, and generous shame, The unconquerable mind, and freedom's holy flame. We found now a new party. Its corner-stone is Freedom. Its broad, all-sustaining a
Thomas Jefferson (search for this): chapter 14
ancis Adams as Vice-President. On the 22d of August, the same year— 1848—a public meeting was called at Faneuil Hall to ratify the nominations of the Buffalo Convention. Mr. Sumner, as the presiding officer of the meeting, made the following brief, but bold and comprehensive speech: And why, in this nineteenth century, are we assembled here in Faneuil Hall, to vow ourselves to this cause? It is because it is now in danger. The principles of our fathers,—of Washington, Franklin, and Jefferson,—nay. the self-evident truths of the Declaration of Independence,—have been assailed. Our Constitution,—which was the work of the lovers of Freedom,—which was watched by its most devoted champions,—which, like the ark of the covenant, was borne on the shoulders of the early patriarchs of our Israel,—has been prostituted to the uses of Slavery. A body of men, whose principle of union was unknown to the authors of the Constitution, have obtained the control of the government,
Martin Van Buren (search for this): chapter 14
pplied, whether democrat or whig, concur in making opposition to Slavery and the Slave Power the paramount principle of political action. The designations may now be interchanged. Mr. Adams may be properly hailed as a New York democrat, and Mr. Van Buren as a Massachusetts whig. There are many here, doubtless, among those once connected with the whig party, who, like myself on former occasions, have voted against Mr. Van Buren, and who regard some portion of his career with anything but sMr. Van Buren, and who regard some portion of his career with anything but satisfaction. Mr. Adams is a younger man; but there are some, doubtless, among those once connected with the democratic party, who have voted against him. But these differences, and the prejudices they have engendered, are all forgotten, absorbed, and lost in the entire sympathy with their present position. Time changes, and we change with it. He has lived to little purpose, whose mind and character continue, through a lapse of years, untouched by these mutations. It is not for the Van Buren
to say whether the whigs or democrats, in their recent conduct as national parties, had most succumbed to this malign influence. The late Conventions at Baltimore and Philadelphia were controlled by it. At Baltimore, the delegation of the most important State of the Union—known to be opposed to the Wilmot Proviso—was refused admission to the Convention. At Philadelphia, the Wilmot Proviso itself was stifled, according to the report of an Ohio delegate, amidst the cries of Kick it out! General Cass was nominated at Baltimore, pledged against the Wilmot Proviso. General Taylor, at Philadelphia,—without any pledge on this all-important question,—was forced upon the Convention by the Slave Power; nor were any principles of any kind put forth by this body of professing whigs. These two candidates, apparently representing opposite parties, both concur in being the representatives of Slavery. They are the leaders of the two contending factions of the Slave Power. I say factions; for,
Charles Sumner (search for this): chapter 14
midable proportions—the seed sown by a few strong hands had begun to bear fruit. The foremost of the leading spirits throughout the North assembled in convention at Buffalo, announcing a platform of opposition to the further extension of slavery, and by acclamation nominated Martin Van Buren for President, and Charles Francis Adams as Vice-President. On the 22d of August, the same year— 1848—a public meeting was called at Faneuil Hall to ratify the nominations of the Buffalo Convention. Mr. Sumner, as the presiding officer of the meeting, made the following brief, but bold and comprehensive speech: And why, in this nineteenth century, are we assembled here in Faneuil Hall, to vow ourselves to this cause? It is because it is now in danger. The principles of our fathers,—of Washington, Franklin, and Jefferson,—nay. the self-evident truths of the Declaration of Independence,—have been assailed. Our Constitution,—which was the work of the lovers of Freedom,—which was wa
James Otis (search for this): chapter 14
well might we say that the tariff is sectional, because the manufacturers live at the North. It is said that we have but one idea. This I deny; but admitting that it is so, are we not, with our one idea, better than a party with no ideas at all? And what is our one idea? It is the idea which combined our fathers on the heights of Bunker Hill. It is the idea which carried Washington through a seven years war; which inspired Lafayette; which touched with coals of fire the lips of Adams, Otis, and Patrick Henry. Ours is an idea which is, at least, noble and elevating; it is an idea which draws in its train virtue, goodness, and all the charities of life—all that makes earth a home of improvement and happiness. Her path where'er the goddess roves, Glory pursues, and generous shame, The unconquerable mind, and freedom's holy flame. We found now a new party. Its corner-stone is Freedom. Its broad, all-sustaining arches are Truth, Justice, and Humanity. Like the ancient Rom
1 2