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West Roxbury, Mass. (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 33
rtling, so unquestionable, it must work mightily in this grand reformation. I praise God for raising up such champions. May you live many years to lift your voice for Peace! Mrs. Lydia Maria Child wrote, March 3, 1846:— How I did thank you for your noble and eloquent attack upon the absurd barbarism of war! It was worth living for to have done that, if you never do any thing more. But the soul that could do that will do more. Rev. Theodore Parker wrote, Aug. 17, 1845, from West Roxbury, his first letter to Sumner,—the beginning of their friendship:— I hope you will excuse one so nearly a stranger to you as myself for addressing you this note; but I cannot forbear writing. I have just read your oration on The true grandeur of nations, for the second time, and write to express to you my sense of the great value of that work, and my gratitude to you for delivering it on such an occasion. Boston is a queer little city; the Public is a desperate tyrant there, and it is<
Boulogne (France) (search for this): chapter 33
police against malefactors within your country; and, on principle, I cannot distinguish the right to such a police from the right to military protection against an invading enemy. Perhaps you may think this a cavil, rather than an argument; for the true answer is that no wars are purely defensive. But surely we are justified in strengthening our coasts when we are within an hour's steaming of the French, who are actually wild for a descent on England, after Thiers's romance of the camp at Boulogne, in his last volume. I know that Dr. Wayland holds it better to submit to invasion than to incur the guilt of war. But guilt rests in the motive; and if the motive is protection, not annoyance, does it contravene the precepts of the Gospel? . . . The last report I had of your doings was the account of the Anti-Texas meeting. Speech at Faneuil Hall, Nov. 4, 1845. Works, Vol. I. p. 149. I am really proud, my good friend, of the prominence of your exertions on every occasion in behalf of
Lincoln's inn (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 33
endancy,--to have discoursed, on the Fourth of July, upon the duty and necessity of preserving peace; and I send you a paragraph cut out of the Examiner, Dec. 20, 1845.—a weekly newspaper, edited by a clever Whig, Mr. Fonblanque,—to show you that your venturesome task is duly appreciated here. . . . I hope you will soon pay us another visit; when I will take care to have rooms ready for you at All Souls, where I am now enjoying my Christmas holidays. H. Bellenden Ker wrote, from Lincoln's Inn, Jan. 25, 1846: I have read your oration with very great pleasure, and admired both its sentiments and its composition. I own I am sorry that your countrymen want such discussion. But not even America is perfect; though, spite of party prejudices and Pro-Slavery, you are fast progressing in all your institutions. Without a national debt, with the far West, and your magnificent institutions for education, all must come right. You will abolish Slavery, and, I hope, drive us out of
France (France) (search for this): chapter 33
e kindness in the intercourse of men, calls out the generous sentiments of other nations,—according honor to St. Louis of France, William Penn, and other benefactors of mankind who had tested with success this law of human nature; and concluded with p in modern times as a vigorous forest from the burned site of ancient woods; to the passionate song of the Troubadour of France, and the Minnesinger of Germany; to the thrilling ballads of Spain, and the delicate music of the Italian lyre. But fromthink it would not be safe to leave our harbors unprotected. O you of little faith! Who would attack them? England, or France? Neither of these would think of a conquest. No war can arise between the United States and either of these nations excee how the unity and independence of Italy were yet to be wrested from her oppressors; how a usurper was to be driven from France; how American Slavery, which defied moral efforts, was to perish,—each by the sword. Nor in their endeavors to remove th
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 33
ions, he at once denounced the recent annexation of Texas as the occasion of a probable war with Mexico, and the assertion, in a warlike tone, of our title to disputed territory in Oregon claimed bothbute which can join with us. Who believes that the national honor will be promoted by a war with Mexico or England? What just man would sacrifice a single human life, to bring under our rule both Texthe life of a single citizen than become master of all the dominions of Mithridates. A war with Mexico would be mean and cowardly; but with England it would be at least bold, though parricidal. . . .he idea as false,—at least in our age, and with reference to our country. What is the feud with Mexico, but a question as to the title to a piece of land? Now, this clearly should be tried, as other The spirit of Slavery dominated in politics, backed by conservatism in society; and a war with Mexico, to be waged for its extension, was at hand. Men who heard the new orator saw in the intrepidit
Gibeon (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 33
attle], which our enlightened reason so justly condemns in the cases of individuals, is openly avowed by our own country, and by the other countries of the earth, as a proper mode of determining justice between them? Be upon our heads and upon our age the judgment of barbarism, which we pronounce upon those that have gone before! At this moment, in this period of light, when the noon-day sun of civilization seems, to the contented souls of many, to be standing still in the heavens, as upon Gibeon, the relations between nations are governed by the same rules of barbarous, brutal force which once prevailed between individuals. The dark ages have not passed away; Erebus and black Night, born of Chaos, still brood over the earth; nor shall we hail the clear day, until the mighty hearts of the nations shall be touched as those of children, and the whole earth, individuals and nations alike, shall acknowledge one and the same rule of Right. . . . Within a short distance of this city
Amesbury (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 33
ed by many, and very partially paid by others; but you will find a rich reward in your consciousness of well-doing, in the esteem of men whose esteem is valuable, and, above all, in the approbation of Him whose favor is better than life. Daniel Lord of New York, the eminent lawyer, and Rev. Charles T. Brooks of Newport, while concurring with the spirit of the oration, suggested limitations to its doctrines. John G. Whittier, who was from this time Sumner's constant friend, wrote from Amesbury, Sept. 11, 1845:— Respected friend,—I thank thee from my very heart for thy noble address. Its truths are none the less welcome for the beautiful drapery in which they are clothed. It will do great good. I would rather be the author of it than of all the war eloquence of Heathendom and Christendom combined. . . . I shall be in Boston at the Liberty Convention of the first of next month, and shall take some pains to procure an introduction to the author of the very best plea for pea
Wayland (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 33
France; how American Slavery, which defied moral efforts, was to perish,—each by the sword. Nor in their endeavors to remove the incentives to war by discontinuing all military preparations, did they fully estimate the exigencies of modern society, which has as yet found no substitute for a trained military body in the support of civil authority when assailed by riots and dangerous combinations. The change of opinion among divines and moralists is well shown by comparing the editions of Wayland's Moral Science. In all but the last there is a chapter earnestly setting forth the moral and religious argument against war, and coming to the conclusion that hence it would seem that all wars are contrary to the revealed will of God, and that the individual has no right to commit to society, nor society to commit to government, the power to declare war. But in the last edition, published in 1865, just after the suppression of the Rebellion, and completed one month preceding his death, t
Oriental (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 33
field of Zutphen far, oh! far beyond its battle; it has consecrated thy name, gallant Sidney, beyond any feat of thy sword, beyond any triumph of thy pen! But there are hands outstretched elsewhere than on fields of blood for so little as a cup of cold water. The world is full of opportunities for deeds of kindness. Let me not be told, then, of the virtues of war. Let not the acts of generosity and sacrifice which have triumphed on its fields be invoked in its defence. In the words of Oriental imagery, the poisonous tree, though watered by nectar, can produce only the fruit of death! As we cast our eyes over the history of nations we discern with horror the succession of murderous slaughters by which their progress has been marked. As the hunter traces the wild beast, when pursued to his lair by the drops of blood on the earth, so we follow man, faint, weary, staggering with wounds, through the Black Forest of the past, which he has reddened with his gore. Oh, let it not b
Yorktown (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 33
in the good he has accomplished, in the triumphs of benevolence and justice, in the establishment of perpetual peace! . And peace has its own peculiar victories, in comparison with which Marathon and Bannockburn and Bunker Hill-fields held sacred in the history of human freedom—shall lose their lustre. Our own Washington rises to a truly heavenly stature, not when we follow him over the ice of the Delaware to the capture of Trenton, not when we behold him victorious over Cornwallis at Yorktown, but when we regard him, in noble deference to justice, refusing the kingly crown which a faithless soldiery proffered, and at a later day upholding the peaceful neutrality of the country, while he received unmoved the clamor of the people wickedly crying for war. What glory of battle in England's annals will not fade by the side of that great act of Justice, by which her Legislature, at a cost of one hundred million dollars, gave freedom to eight hundred thousand slaves! And when the day
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