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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4.

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January 2nd (search for this): chapter 1
ome for the appeal which you desire. Events will travel with fearful rapidity. Very soon all slavedom will be in a blaze,—Virginia as much as any other State, embittered by the teachings of Wise and Mason. General Scott says: Since the 2d of January,—yes, sir, since the 2d of January, the President has done well. Jeff. Davis says that but two men in Washington are frightened,—the President and Scott. I enjoyed Andrew's message. At last Massachusetts is herself! Horace Greeley, app2d of January, the President has done well. Jeff. Davis says that but two men in Washington are frightened,—the President and Scott. I enjoyed Andrew's message. At last Massachusetts is herself! Horace Greeley, appalled with the prospect of civil war with an uncertain issue, hastened to bid the insurgent States to go in peace, while at the same time rejecting any compromise. He treated secession as a revolutionary right, and discountenanced coercive measures for keeping the seceding States in the Union. New York Tribune, Nov. 9, 26, 30, Dec. 17, 1860; Feb. 23, 1861. Greeley says in his History that several other Republican journals, including some of the most influential, held similar language, and
Floyd (search for this): chapter 1
. v. p. 473. The master spirits in Buchanan's Cabinet when Congress met were secessionists,—Cobb, Secretary of the Treasury, who left it bankrupt December 10; Floyd, Secretary of War, who after ordering the transfer of ordnance from Pittsburg to Ship Island and Galveston, and obstructing the reinforcement of the national forts at the South, resigned on the 29th; and Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, equally disloyal with Floyd, who lingered till January 8. Black, the Attorney-General, gave an elaborate opinion, November 20, strung with sophistries, denying the right of the government to maintain itself by armed force in the insurgent States. The Pr Weed. American Conflict, vol. I. p. 361. General Scott, head of the army, communicated, Oct. 29, 1860, his views in a formal paper to President Buchanan, and to Floyd, Secretary of War. While advising the immediate garrisoning of Southern forts,—a wise counsel, which the dilatory and irresolute President did not heed,—he propos<
November 19th (search for this): chapter 1
for a long period had poisoned the minds of many of the Democratic leaders at the North. Treasonable sentiments were uttered by Franklin Pierce, Caleb Cushing, Fernando Wood, Horatio Seymour, and Chancellor Walworth; Greeley's American Conflict, vol. I. pp. 388-393, 512. Cushing made, November 26, an inflammatory speech at Newburyport, which affirmed the right of secession, and denied the right of the government to coerce the seceders. (Boston Post, November 27, 28, 29.) His letter, November 19. justifying the complaints of the seceders is printed in the Boston Advertiser, November 21. Henry Wilson replied to him at length in a trenchant letter, which reviewed his earlier and better record. New York Tribune, December 26. and Daniel E. Sickles, in his speech in the House, Dec. 10, 1860, set up the city of New York as a barrier against the march of national troops for the maintenance of the Union. Journals of great influence, notably the New York Herald and Albany Argus, stimu
February 25th (search for this): chapter 1
to prevent its being hurried through; and the next day he had a correction made in the journal which had failed to record his objection. It passed at the end of the session by the exact two-thirds vote required. Among the negative votes were those of Sumner, Wilson, Foot, Trumbull, Wade, Preston King, and Z. Chandler. Seward and Fessenden did not vote. In presenting, February 18, petitions opposed to compromise, Sumner added comments of his own in approval. He expressed his dissent, February 25, from one which prayed for national interference with slavery in the States. During the winter there was a determined effort in Massachusetts to repeal the personal liberty law of the State. An appeal to that effect, signed by Chief-Justice Shaw, recently retired from office, B. R. Curtis, Joel Parker, George Ticknor, and a large number of persons of high standing, was published in the papers and presented to the Legislature. It was supported by leading Boston journals. George Ashmu
January 23rd (search for this): chapter 1
, somewhat changed from the form proposed by Mr. Adams, which passed both houses by bare majorities, and was acted on only in two States. In the midst of the general panic and demoralization there were senators and representatives who stood firmly for maintaining the historic positions of the Republican party. They included two-thirds of the Republican senators, but a smaller proportion of the Republican members of the House, where there was much shifting of position. New York Times, January 23; February 5. Of this type in the Senate were Sumner, Wilson, Trumbull, Wade, and Preston King; and in the House, Thaddeus Stevens, John Hickman, G. A. Grow, Roscoe Conkling, and Owen Lovejoy; and among Massachusetts members, Alley, Buffinton, Burlingame, Eliot, and Gooch. At such a period the steady courage of Sumner was of inestimable service in saving the country from the disaster of compromise and surrender. The intimacy between Sumner and Adams, which began in 1845, and had been ve
John Bell (search for this): chapter 1
is not some speedy relief, more than half the best concerns in the country will be ruined. Nevertheless, while counselling moderation in speech, he expressed himself strongly against any backing down. The fright extended beyond the supporters of Bell, Breckinridge, and Douglas, even to some of Lincoln's supporters, who if possible would in view of the Southern uprising have recalled their votes. Public meetings were held in the great cities, in which, in the name of the Union, not only a surrpopular demonstrations in favor of compromise were made. Seward's speech and Adams's propositions had turned the public mind in that direction, and the masses of men do not at such a time discriminate between different schemes. The supporters of Bell, Douglas, and Breckinridge, being in a majority, took the lead in urging the Crittenden plan, and they carried along with them some unreflecting Republicans. Among the callers of a Union meeting in its support were William Appleton, Albert Fearin
January 17th, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 1
vol. I. p. 360; Weed's Life, vol. II. pp. 303, 313. George E. Baker wrote to Sumner, December 3, from Albany, that no influential man agreed with Mr. Weed's view, and that it had no support in the rural districts. The Boston Journal, Jan. 9, 17, 1861, was not opposed to the restoration of the Missouri Compromise line and the nonprohibition of slavery south of 36° 30'. Greeley afterwards questioned the wisdom of the overtures made by himself and Weed. American Conflict, vol. I. p. 361. Generiefly January 31. Mrs. Seward did not approve her husband's concessions. Seward's Life, vol. II. p. 496. He read the speech before its delivery to Sumner, who pleaded with him in vain to reconsider his purpose. Letter to John A. Andrew, Jan. 17, 1861. Works, vol. v. p. 455. Sumner wrote to Dr. Howe, January 17:— I trust that Massachusetts continues unseduced by any proposition of compromise or concession, in whatever form or name. My best energies have been devoted to keep ou
April 9th, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 1
ttier's poem (Jan. 16, 1861), A Word for the Hour, is in the same vein. He wrote Sumner, March 13, 1861: The conflicting rumors from Washington trouble me. I am for peace, not by conceding our principles, but by simply telling the slave States go, —border ones and all. I believe in the irrepressible conflict. Wendell Phillips, in a passionate harangue, affirmed the right of the slave States, upon the principles of 1776, to decide the question of a separate government for themselves. April 9, 1861, at New Bedford; Schouler's History of Massachusetts in the Civil War. vol. I. pp. 44-47. Phillips said, I maintain on the principles of ‘76 that Abraham Lincoln has no right to a soldier in Fort Sumter. To apply to him his favorite expression, he remembered to forget the inclusion of this address in his volume of speeches. Thurlow Weed, on the other hand, contemporaneously with Greeley's prompt declaration, proposed to reach a peaceful issue in another way,—by acceding to the substanc<
January 8th (search for this): chapter 1
he Senate, Feb. 12, 1861. Works, vol. v. p. 473. The master spirits in Buchanan's Cabinet when Congress met were secessionists,—Cobb, Secretary of the Treasury, who left it bankrupt December 10; Floyd, Secretary of War, who after ordering the transfer of ordnance from Pittsburg to Ship Island and Galveston, and obstructing the reinforcement of the national forts at the South, resigned on the 29th; and Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, equally disloyal with Floyd, who lingered till January 8. Black, the Attorney-General, gave an elaborate opinion, November 20, strung with sophistries, denying the right of the government to maintain itself by armed force in the insurgent States. The President refused, against the appeal of the loyal members of his Cabinet, to reinforce the forts in the harbor of Charleston. From such a Cabinet, in which he could no longer remain with honor, even Cass, Secretary of State, after a career of subserviency to the South, withdrew, December 14, to
November 29th (search for this): chapter 1
slaveholding interest for a long period had poisoned the minds of many of the Democratic leaders at the North. Treasonable sentiments were uttered by Franklin Pierce, Caleb Cushing, Fernando Wood, Horatio Seymour, and Chancellor Walworth; Greeley's American Conflict, vol. I. pp. 388-393, 512. Cushing made, November 26, an inflammatory speech at Newburyport, which affirmed the right of secession, and denied the right of the government to coerce the seceders. (Boston Post, November 27, 28, 29.) His letter, November 19. justifying the complaints of the seceders is printed in the Boston Advertiser, November 21. Henry Wilson replied to him at length in a trenchant letter, which reviewed his earlier and better record. New York Tribune, December 26. and Daniel E. Sickles, in his speech in the House, Dec. 10, 1860, set up the city of New York as a barrier against the march of national troops for the maintenance of the Union. Journals of great influence, notably the New York Herald an
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