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May 1st (search for this): chapter 7
ood deal of him. He tells me that the President does not disguise his hostility to the Louisiana scheme. I am confident that our ideas will prevail; therefore, be not disheartened, nor in any way relax your energies. Forward! To Mr. Bright, May 1:— Just this moment I have read your letter of April 14, sent to me at Boston, in which you tell me something of the last hours of our good friend. Now that he is gone, we long for his voice and his thoughts more than ever before. I wish hThe President has not yet approached foreign questions. Last evening he said to me with reference to our claims on England, that he thought the time had come when we could insist on having then settled on correct principles. To R. Schleiden, May 1 Mr. Schleiden was now minister of the Hanse Towns in London.:— At last the military power of the rebellion is broken, and we are dismissing our troops. But, say the doubters, you cannot establish peace and tranquillity. This is the sec
May 2nd (search for this): chapter 7
se of Representatives will not make a demand for the instant payment of our claims; but I trust this question will in some way be put in train of settlement before the next session. Mr. Seward shows considerable vitality. The broken jaw is now the troublesome part of his case. Poor Frederick is well for one who has been so low; but his case is still doubtful. He speaks very little, and of course the extent of his injuries cannot be measured. Cruel devil—that assassin! To Lieber, May 2:— I read to President Johnson Colonel Baker's letter, Of North Carolina, late a Confederate officer. with your introduction. He said at once that he accepted every word of it; that colored persons are to have the right of suffrage; that no State can be precipitated into the Union; that rebel States must go through a term of probation. All this he had said to me before. Ten days ago the chief-justice and myself visited him in the evening to speak of these things. I was charmed by
May 4th (search for this): chapter 7
ham Lincoln: an Essay, p. 96. while it was more conservative in requiring a larger proportion of the voters as the basis of the new governments, and wiser as well as juster in enforcing as a peremptory condition of restoration the perpetual prohibition of slavery in the constitutions of the restored States. In details it was more methodical and complete than the President's plan. Both schemes excluded the colored people from suffrage in the initiation of the new governments. In the House, May 4, a motion to strike out the word white was cut off by the previous question. Boutwell in his speech, just before the vote was taken on the bill, expressed regret that the limitation of the elective franchise to white male citizens was required by the present judgment of the House and of the country. When the Senate had under consideration, July 1, the House bill, Wade, chairman of the committee which had reported the bill with an amendment striking out the word white, declared against the
May 9th (search for this): chapter 7
ject on account of differences among the supporters of the Administration, but Sumner insisted that the black man's right to vote was the essence—the great essential. Stanton's draft, now confined to North Carolina, was considered in the Cabinet May 9, when it appeared with a provision for suffrage in the election of members of a constitutional convention for the State. It included the loyal citizens of the United States residing within the State. Tills paragraph, it appears, Stanton had accre he went home, as well as for a week after, the senator assured his friends and correspondents that the cause he had at heart was safe with the new President. There were, however, not wanting some disturbing signs. Carl Schurz wrote Sumner, May 9, warning against the schemes of Southern leaders in Mississippi, Georgia, and North Carolina. Thaddens Stevens wrote, May 10, with alarm at the President's proclamation of the day before, recoganizing the Pierpont government of Virginia. A cauc
May 10th (search for this): chapter 7
f views expressed in former meetings, Mr. Johnson said pleasantly, and with a smile, Have I not always listened to you? Before he went home, as well as for a week after, the senator assured his friends and correspondents that the cause he had at heart was safe with the new President. There were, however, not wanting some disturbing signs. Carl Schurz wrote Sumner, May 9, warning against the schemes of Southern leaders in Mississippi, Georgia, and North Carolina. Thaddens Stevens wrote, May 10, with alarm at the President's proclamation of the day before, recoganizing the Pierpont government of Virginia. A caucus was held in the National Hotel in Washington, May 12, with a view of preventing the Administration from falling under adverse influences; but confidence was reassured by Wade and Sumner, who said the President was in no danger, and that he was in favor of negro suffrage. Julian's Political Recollections, p. 263. On June 1, the day appointed by President Johnson to b
May 12th (search for this): chapter 7
enator assured his friends and correspondents that the cause he had at heart was safe with the new President. There were, however, not wanting some disturbing signs. Carl Schurz wrote Sumner, May 9, warning against the schemes of Southern leaders in Mississippi, Georgia, and North Carolina. Thaddens Stevens wrote, May 10, with alarm at the President's proclamation of the day before, recoganizing the Pierpont government of Virginia. A caucus was held in the National Hotel in Washington, May 12, with a view of preventing the Administration from falling under adverse influences; but confidence was reassured by Wade and Sumner, who said the President was in no danger, and that he was in favor of negro suffrage. Julian's Political Recollections, p. 263. On June 1, the day appointed by President Johnson to be observed throughout the country in commemoration of Mr. Lincoln, Sumner, by invitation of the municipal authorities, delivered the eulogy upon him in Boston. Works, vol.
May 13th (search for this): chapter 7
restoration of the disarmed insurgents to political power without the surest guaranty of the rights of loyal persons, whether white or black, and especially the freedmen. Between the time of Mr. Lincoln's death and the beginning of the session of Congress in December, 1865, Sumner wrote several brief letters and communications with a view to promote the cause of equal suffrage, which found their way to the public—some to colored people in the South who sought his counsel and sympathy, May 13 (Works, vol. IX. p. 364); May (Ibid , p. 366); July 8 (Ibid, p. 430); August 16 (Ibid., p. 432). one to the mayor of Boston, July 4. Works, vol. IX. p. 429. and another to the editor of the New York Independent. October 29. Works, vol. IX. pp. 500-502. At this period death severed Sumner's relations with several friends with whom he had been more or less intimate. Edward Everett, whom he had known from youth, died Jan. 15, 1865. Their correspondence began as early as 1833; a
May 16th (search for this): chapter 7
quality before the law was secured for all without distinction of color. I said during this winter that the rebel States could not come back, except on the footing of the Declaration of Independence and the complete recognition of human rights. I feel more than ever confident that all this will be fulfilled. And then what a regenerated land! I had looked for a bitter contest on this question; but with the President on our side, it will be carried by simple avoirdupois. To Mr. Bright, May 16:— Just before starting for Boston, I acknowledge yours of April 29. The feeling in England is not greater than I anticipated. I hope it will make your government see the crime with which for four years it has fraternized. Mr. Seward's disability causes a suspension of our diplomatic discussions, which I think he is anxious to resume. He was aroused to great indignation when he heard that the British authorities at Nassau had been receiving the pirate Stonewall. A proclamation was
May 29th (search for this): chapter 7
Mr. Lincoln, wrote, June 8:— I have just finished reading your most comprehensive, appreciative, and grand eulogy upon our great and good Lincoln. As one of his humble friends—one who, while reverencing him as one of the greatest of men, loved him as a brother—I desire to thank you for this noble effort of genius. Sumner had not been ten days at home before all his hopes for a just and speedy reconstruction on the basis of equal rights were dashed by the President's proclamations, May 29—one of amnesty, with various exceptions, and the other prescribing in detail a method of reconstruction for North Carolina, including a constitutional convention, and confining suffrage to the class of voters qualified by the Constitution and laws of that State before secession, thus excluding, as Mr. Lincoln had done, the colored people from the qualified body. Similar proclamations were shortly issued for reconstructing the other Southern States, and affirming the validity of the procee
June 1st (search for this): chapter 7
and North Carolina. Thaddens Stevens wrote, May 10, with alarm at the President's proclamation of the day before, recoganizing the Pierpont government of Virginia. A caucus was held in the National Hotel in Washington, May 12, with a view of preventing the Administration from falling under adverse influences; but confidence was reassured by Wade and Sumner, who said the President was in no danger, and that he was in favor of negro suffrage. Julian's Political Recollections, p. 263. On June 1, the day appointed by President Johnson to be observed throughout the country in commemoration of Mr. Lincoln, Sumner, by invitation of the municipal authorities, delivered the eulogy upon him in Boston. Works, vol. IX. pp. 369-428. The services were held in the Music Hall. A colored clergyman, by the expressed preference of the orator, served as one of the chaplains. Chaplin's Life of Sumner, p. 422. The delivery began late in the afternoon, and occupied nearly two hours. The tone o
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