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Worcester (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
les is very strange. I have been invited to preside at the coining Republican State convention for Massachusetts. At any other time I should not do it; but I shall now, in order to speak the voice of Massachusetts. Sumner had already made an appeal to the public in his eulogy upon Mr. Lincoln, which immediately followed the President's proclamation for North Carolina. Another opportunity occurred September 14, when he took the chair as president of the Republican State convention at Worcester. Works, vol. IX. pp. 437-477. His presence and his speech on that day were greeted with applause as cordial and demonstrative as any which had ever greeted him in such meetings with his constituents. There was a popular craving for guidance on the pending question, and the Republican leaders had hitherto been generally reticent. As he began, he paid a tribute to the intelligence, the heart, and the conscience of Massachusetts,—God bless her! He had hoped the year before that he had
New Jersey (New Jersey, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
vil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the presidenions the worst monopoly ever known in the country, which long resisted the spirit of the age—the pretension of the State of New Jersey to levy exceptional tolls on passengers and freight passing through it, between New York and Philadelphia, which w, approved this effort, and wished the bill pressed in the Senate; and a similar testimony came from James M. Scovil of New Jersey. On the other hand, the most eminent physician of Boston then living protested, June 10, 1864, in a letter to the senatatesmanlike. It was proposed to obtain votes for the Thirteenth Constitutional Amendment from Democratic members from New Jersey, who as counsel or otherwise were in close relations with the railway companies, by an agreement to post
Iowa (Iowa, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
ich the address met with showed clearly that whatever might be the current of opinion elsewhere, the people of Massachusetts were with Sumner. Fortunate the senator who had such a constituency! The convention approved the admission of negroes to suffrage as a part and condition of reconstruction. The Republican State committee had already in July issued an Address for equal suffrage in reconstruction. New York Tribune, July 25. A similar ground was taken by the Republicans of Vermont, Iowa, and Minnesota; but generally Republican State conventions shrank from an explicit declaration. Notwithstanding the prudent reserve of politicians, there was however, during the recess of Congress, a growing conviction among the Northern people that governments at once loyal, stable, and securing the rights of all, white and black, could not be established in the rebel States without admitting the freedmen to a share in them. It was Sumner who took the lead in spreading and organizing that
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
ng that States should be precipitated back; think there must be a period of probation, but that meanwhile all loyal people, without distinction of color, must be treated as citizens, and must take part in any proceedings for reorganization. He doubts at present the expediency of announcing this from Washington lest it should give a handle to party, but is willing it should be made known to the people in the rebel States. The chief-justice started yesterday on a visit to North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, and New Orleans, and will on his way touch the necessary strings, so far as he can. I anticipate much from this journey. His opinions are fixed, and he is well informed with regard to those of the President. I would not be too sanguine, but I should not be surprised if we had this great question settled before the next meeting of Congress—I mean by this that we had such expressions of opinion and acts as will forever conclude it. My confidence is founded in part upon the esse
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 7
elations]: (1) The termination of the reciprocity treaty; (2) Armaments on the lakes; (3) The Canadian complications; (4) Mexico; (5) Arguelles case; (6) Claims of England growing out of the war; (7) Florida case; (8) Question of belligerent rights. House of Representatives would, by resolutions passed without debate, call at once for the withdrawal of Maximilian from Mexico, and the payment of our claims by England. . . . Mr. Seward is better daily. His escape is a marvel. No less than six am sorry that Jeff. Davis is caught; if not shot in pursuit, I wish he had escaped. Grant was anxious to keep him out of Mexico. At the meeting of the Cabinet with Mr. Lincoln on the last day of his life, Friday, April 14, Mr. Stanton submitted hirty thousand were ready for the field. On our foreign policy he was very positive. He regarded the French invasion of Mexico as a part of the rebellion, which ought now to cease. He kept twenty-five thousand men in Texas beyond police necessitie
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
of Columbia the voice of the senator from Massachusetts is heard in this hall. He will repeal chaiance and affiliation of the senators from Massachusetts and Kentucky, and that the lion and the lanight session to hear all the senator from Massachusetts had to say, and then vote on his amendment Senate, and particularly the senator from Massachusetts—one of five only among the Administration Hendricks, who said that the senator from Massachusetts is determined that none of these States sh, and also in speeches. Governor Andrew of Massachusetts felt assured of the President's honesty ofnt's proceedings. George L. Stearns, of Massachusetts, distinguished for his services for the cohe coining Republican State convention for Massachusetts. At any other time I should not do it; bu shall now, in order to speak the voice of Massachusetts. Sumner had already made an appeal to urrent of opinion elsewhere, the people of Massachusetts were with Sumner. Fortunate the senator w[9 more...]
Weymouth (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
of success against Executive influence and patronage on a question where there was so much popular indifference and opposition among Republicans. Howard and Davis were averse to any direct issue with the President on negro suffrage, confident that the public mind was not ready for it, and thinking it wiser to make it on the right of Congress to control the reconstruction. B. Gratz Brown alone responded without qualification to Sumner's appeal. Of the members of the House, Boutwell At Weymouth, July 4. of Massachusetts, Julian Julian's Political Recollections, p. 268. of Indiana, and Garfield of Ohio, At Ravenna, O., July 4. Works of J. A. Garfield, vol. i. p. 85. each addressed the people of his State in favor of admitting freedmen to the suffrage. Sherman, speaking at Circleville, O., June 10, showed himself friendly to negro suffrage (New York Tribune, June 14), and Morrill of Vermont spoke in favor of it before the Republican convention of that State. But on the ot
Chicago (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
e indifferent to the impression on his hearers. This change had been noted two years before by an acute observer of public speakers. W. S. Robinson's (Warrington's) Pen Portraits, pp. 517, 518. Mrs. Lincoln wrote from the neighborhood of Chicago, whither she had gone, a letter of gratitude for the truthful and eloquent eulogy on her lamented husband by a friend so cherished as you were by the great and good man who has been called away. Your words as testimonials in his praise are very after his death, which approved his policy of reconstruction at the outset. Among them were letters and telegrams from George Bancroft, James Gordon Bennett, Henry J. Raymond, Simon Cameron, and W. H. Seward. Charles A. Dana, then an editor in Chicago, wrote to Sumner that it was advisable to keep with the President as far as possible in order to prevent the Democrats coming into power through any unnecessary quarrel among ourselves. His journal, the Chicago Republican, justified President
Nebraska (Nebraska, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
instruments of parliamentary warfare to defeat a measure which he believed to be dangerous. He counselled the senator from Illinois to look at the clock and note that it was twenty-five minutes to eleven, with Sunday morning near, and that efforts to force a vote would be fruitless, like sowing salt in the sand by the seashore. He compared Trumbull's attempt to cram the resolution down the throats of the Senate to that of another senator from Illinois (Douglas), who brought in his Kansas-Nebraska bill in precisely the same manner—proudly, confidently, almost menacingly, with the declaration that it was to pass in twenty-four hours, precisely as the senator from Illinois now speaks; and he invoked the Senate to devote the remnant of the session to practical measures instead of consuming it with a bantling not a week old. Doolittle called the American people to witness the scene in the Senate, and particularly the senator from Massachusetts—one of five only among the Administration s
Ravenna, O. (Ohio, United States) (search for this): chapter 7
ong Republicans. Howard and Davis were averse to any direct issue with the President on negro suffrage, confident that the public mind was not ready for it, and thinking it wiser to make it on the right of Congress to control the reconstruction. B. Gratz Brown alone responded without qualification to Sumner's appeal. Of the members of the House, Boutwell At Weymouth, July 4. of Massachusetts, Julian Julian's Political Recollections, p. 268. of Indiana, and Garfield of Ohio, At Ravenna, O., July 4. Works of J. A. Garfield, vol. i. p. 85. each addressed the people of his State in favor of admitting freedmen to the suffrage. Sherman, speaking at Circleville, O., June 10, showed himself friendly to negro suffrage (New York Tribune, June 14), and Morrill of Vermont spoke in favor of it before the Republican convention of that State. But on the other hand Dawes of Massachusetts, already a leader in that body, in an address to his neighbors, which was widely read, came earne
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