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Department de Ville de Paris (France) (search for this): chapter 8
en about as opposite in character and career as they could be, and never standing so long together before or after. During this excursion Sumner and George Bemis casually met—two friends who were always in unison. Sumner wrote to Henry Woods, Paris, August 15:— I am glad to believe that our relations with France are to be excellent. I have insisted throughout the session that has closed that there should be no offensive declaration; in other words, that Congress should be quiet. My sh, Governor Morgan, and Mrs. President Lincoln; from friends across the ocean who had kept up a constant interest in his welfare and followed closely his career, the Duchess of Sutherland, the Argylls, the Cranworths, Robert Ingham, the Count of Paris, and the Laugels. From Washington, the diplomatic corps, particularly Baron Gerolt, its dean, saluted him cordially. The congratulations expressed only one regret,—that he had delayed the step so long. At last he was to enter on a life for w<
Centre Harbor (Maine, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
rest and absence from the Senate; but his interest in exigent questions did not allow him this relief. He did not spare himself even in the recess, but went to work on a lecture—when Longfellow wrote again to Greene: What confidence Sumner has in Sumner! I would not trust H. W. L. to that amount, nor would you G. W. G. In August, Sumner made a visit to the White Mountains, his only excursion after he entered the Senate to that attractive resort of tourists. He made brief pauses at Centre Harbor, at the Glen, and at Crawford's, and ascended Mt. Washington,—on the summit of which a photographer insisted on taking him and Judge Clifford of the United States Supreme Court in one picture, which combined two public men about as opposite in character and career as they could be, and never standing so long together before or after. During this excursion Sumner and George Bemis casually met—two friends who were always in unison. Sumner wrote to Henry Woods, Paris, August 15:—
Maine (Maine, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
was his habit, his own personal career. The veto and the harangue marked a distinct step in his departure from the Republican party. Then came his veto, March 27, of the Civil Rights bill, and July 16, of the second Freedmen's Bureau bill—the last two vetoes being overcome by a two-thirds vote of both houses. Trumbull showed consummate ability in the drafting, management, and advocacy of these measures. As they were well handled in debate—not only by Trumbull, but by Howard, Morrill of Maine, Fessenden, and Wilson—Sumner, although he had prepared himself on the Civil Rights bill, did not speak; but he watched the measure closely and with deep interest, approving it altogether, and recognizing it as a precedent for his own bill for equal political rights in the reconstructed States. Feb. 7, 1866; Congressional Globe, p. 707. Feb. 9, 1866; Globe, pp. 765-767. Works, vol. x. pp. 271-279. He wrote to the Duchess of Argyll, April 3:— These are trying days for us. I am more
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
essed himself, May 28, in favor of applying the condition to Arkansas. (Congressional Globe, p. 2628.) His argument did not satisfy some of his friends, particularly E. L. Pierce, who wrote, June 23, doubting the validity of such conditions after the admission of the State, and regarding a constitutional prohibition as the only perfect and effective remedy.—when he was supported by the entire Republican vote; and the bill applying the condition to North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, Georgia, and Alabama became a law notwithstanding President Johnson's veto. It passed the Senate June 25, 1868. The partisans of woman suffrage made an effort without success to enlist Sumner in their movement. Withholding an opinion as to its essential merits, he dismissed it as unseasonable at a period when it was likely to embarrass the pressing issue of the equality of the races as to the franchise. Feb. 14 and 21, 1866. Congressional Globe, pp. 829, 952. This reserve was not satis
Vermont (Vermont, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
or did it matter to him, a principle being at stake, that there were only ninety colored persons already in the Territory; it would be all the same if there were but one. The debate went on at intervals; and meantime, after it began, Edmunds of Vermont took his seat for the first time as senator, and made his first considerable speech against the bill. As he finished, Sumner thanked him for his noble utterance. The amendment imposing the conditions received only seven votes—those of Edmunds, voting, and distinguished between legislative and popular elections. July 11. Works, vol. x. pp. 481-485. Tributes to three public men came from Sumner at this time, —two in eulogies upon his deceased associates, the two senators from Vermont, Collamer Dec. 14, 1865. Works, vol. x. pp. 38-46. and Foot; April 12, 1886. Works, vol. x. pp. 409-416. and the third in an In Memorial on Henry Winter Davis, New York Independent, Jan. 11, 1866. Works, vol. x. pp. 104-108. of th
Arkansas (Arkansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
l of disabilities, May, 1866 (Works, vol. x. p. 461), and remarks on the interruption of the right of petition, May 24, 1866 (Works, vol. x. pp. 462, 463). Two years later he argued at length in favor of the validity and necessity of such conditions, of their perpetual force and obligation after the admission of the State, so as to be forever beyond its power to repeal, June 10, 1868; Works, vol. XII. pp. 414-438. He expressed himself, May 28, in favor of applying the condition to Arkansas. (Congressional Globe, p. 2628.) His argument did not satisfy some of his friends, particularly E. L. Pierce, who wrote, June 23, doubting the validity of such conditions after the admission of the State, and regarding a constitutional prohibition as the only perfect and effective remedy.—when he was supported by the entire Republican vote; and the bill applying the condition to North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, Georgia, and Alabama became a law notwithstanding President Johnson's
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 8
aration; in other words, that Congress should be quiet. My desire was that there should be nothing to leave behind any heart-burning in the French people; but I have in a proper way always insisted that the French troops should be withdrawn from Mexico. To Mr. Bright, August 17:— I am your debtor for an excellent letter. Meanwhile on both sides of the water affairs have moved rapidly. I am glad that England keeps out of Continental war. She is wise in this, and will increase in meanit is only a short time ago that he said of him to a member of the Cabinet, Mr. Seward seems to have no cardinals. The French minister was with me last evening. I am satisfied that he expects the substantial withdrawal of the French troops from Mexico before next winter. It was on this assurance, given by me in my committee, that Congress was kept still, and I have let M. Drouyn de l'huys know this. I agree with you about our neutrality statutes. I think that in my last I let you know somet
Maryland (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
r the holiday recess by referring to a committee, instead of passing, a resolution approving the President's policy. In the Senate there was equal alertness on the part of those who were opposed to his proceedings. Wilson pressed, in the second week of the session, his bill to annul statutes of the late rebel States which established inequality of civil rights on account of color, race, or former condition of servitude—calling attention to recent legislation of this character. Johnson of Maryland replied to him. The President, in answer to a call of the Senate made on Sumner's motion, sent to the Senate, December 19, the reports of Generals Grant and Schurz on the condition of the States lately in rebellion. The latter's report, containing a full description, and made after a careful inspection lasting for three months, did not meet the changed views of the President; and he sought to counteract it by the report of General Grant, who had passed only four days in a similar inspec
Oregon (Oregon, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
the distinction of caste, as offensive to the moral sense and repugnant to the principles and pledges of the nation. No Republican senator had the hardihood from that time to vindicate the justice of the discrimination which the proposed amendment allowed the States to continue, and the argument for it became largely apologetic. It was admitted to come, short of what was best, while no more was thought attainable in the existing conditions of public sentiment. One senator, Williams of Oregon. though withholding assent from Sumner's advanced position, confessed his profound admiration of the speech, pronouncing it worthy of the subject, worthy of the occasion, worthy of the author, and predicted that when those who heard it shall be forgotten, the echoes of its lofty and majestic periods will linger and repeat themselves among the corridors of history. It was the text of a wide discussion in the country, and it received commendation from public journals and a large number of app
Preussen (search for this): chapter 8
that the French troops should be withdrawn from Mexico. To Mr. Bright, August 17:— I am your debtor for an excellent letter. Meanwhile on both sides of the water affairs have moved rapidly. I am glad that England keeps out of Continental war. She is wise in this, and will increase in means for any future emergency. If I could admire battle, I should confess the singular brilliancy of that victory by which Austria has been driven from the German Confederation. The war between Prussia and Austria terminated in July, 1866, creating the North German Confederation, and forcing the cession of Venice to Italy. Of course I rejoice in the result. It seems as if German unity must be established; and as this is normal and natural, I am sure that it must be for the welfare of mankind. Two days ago I was much disturbed by the cable news that France insisted upon going to the Rhine. In this claim I saw nothing but terrible war. All Germany would rise as in 1813. I am glad to lea
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