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Maryland (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 29
idered the bank unconstitutional. In relation to the famous expunging resolution, introduced by Mr. Benton into the Senate, to relieve President Jackson of a just censure, passed on him some years before, Mr. Tyler—receiving instructions from resolutions adopted by the Virginia Legislature, to vote for those resolutions—resigned his seat and returned home. Mr. Tyler may be considered a firm and decided Whig. In 1836, as a Whig candidate for the Vice-Presidency, he obtained the votes of Maryland, Georgia, South Carolina, and Tennessee. In 1838 he was a member of the Legislature from James City county, and fully cooperated with the Whig party. In relation to the Whig party, in its position to the second term of Jackson and the opposition to the election of Martin Van Buren, Calhoun truly remarked: It is also true that a common party designation (Whig) was applied to the opposition in the aggregate. But it is no less true that it was universally known that it consisted of two d
Richmond (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 29
. In 1816 he was elected to Congress, and was twice re-elected. Ill health induced him to resign before the expiration of his term. In 1823 and the two following years he was elected a member of the Legislature, and in 1825 was chosen Governor of the State by the Legislature. The next session he was re-elected unanimously, by the Legislature, Governor. Tyler was a cultivated man with a refined taste in literature. On the death of Thomas Jefferson he was requested to deliver, in Richmond, Virginia, a funeral oration, which he did on the 11th of July, 1826. It is a beautiful eulogy, and will compare favorably, in literary style and in pure sentiments and sound political philosophy, with any of the very many pronounced on the life and services of the distinguished statesman, Thomas Jefferson. His official life was almost continuous. In March, 1827, he succeeded John Randolph as United States Senator, having been elected over Mr. Randolph by a decided vote. In 1833 Tyler was
Knoxville (Tennessee, United States) (search for this): chapter 29
Virginia position. Slavery was a great political evil, but it was one that required time for its obliteration. When the agitation ensued in Virginia, on Nat. Turner's rebellion, he introduced a bill in the United States Congress to abolish the slave trade in the District, and in 1857, when the immediate abolition programme of the North had driven many of the Southern people to advocating slavery as a blessing, he wrote a public letter denouncing the attempt of the Southern Convention at Knoxville of Southern fire-eaters to reopen the slave trade. We differ with the author of this work in his views of some men of great distinction, to whom frequent allusion is made, as well as to the spirit of the Whig party under which they acted, and also as to the motives attributed to Henry Clay and some of his political associates and allies. It is a .work of ability and refined literary taste, written in a high and pure sense of justice, and deserves a conspicuous place in Southern and we
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 29
tion, yet he advocated a tariff for revenue, with incidental protection. He voted against the tariff of 1832, and sympathized deeply with the sufferings of South Carolina, but did not approve either the expediency or the principle of nullification; condemning also, in even severer terms, the principles enunciated in the celebrahome. Mr. Tyler may be considered a firm and decided Whig. In 1836, as a Whig candidate for the Vice-Presidency, he obtained the votes of Maryland, Georgia, South Carolina, and Tennessee. In 1838 he was a member of the Legislature from James City county, and fully cooperated with the Whig party. In relation to the Whig partyt Tyler, to observe that the joint resolutions, on his suggestion, were introduced into the House by J. L. Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania, and George McDuffie, of South Carolina, in the Senate. Thus it is shown, as appears also by the vote in each House, that it was based on a statesmanship above sectional or party considerations.
Fortress Monroe (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 29
s or influence. It is a very beautiful and excellent feature in the history of the highest official stations in the United States—not excepting that of President—that they have been graced by men, not only of exalted talent, but of very extensive learning, scholarship and literary acquirements and taste, manifested in writings that have become embodied in the history of the country. This may be said of Adams, father and son, each President of the United States; of Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, distinguished for their writings, and also of Buchanan and Tyler. The same is true of cabinet officers from Hamilton, of Washington's administration, down through many administrations, embracing such learned authors and men distinguished in literature and science as are rarely found connected with official station. Among them may be found Rodney, Gallatin, Wirt, Calhoun, Rush, Kendall, Woodbury, Poinsett, Paulding, Webster, Legare, Walker, Bancroft, Marcy. It is also a striking truth t
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 29
ing annexation. It is part of our public history, and should be read carefully by every one interested in American statesmanship. Bitter war had existed between Mexico and Texas. Negotiations were pending between Santa Anna and General Houston for an armistice, when President Tyler made proposals to the President of Texas for a State, April 12th, 1844; in June of the same year it was submitted to the Senate of the United States, and rejected. This proceeding occasioned the ill will of Mexico, and met with great disapproval from France and England, they being opposed, without any right or reason, to the United States extending its territory over Texas. Public opinion in the United States was divided on the subject, some of our most eminent men opposing annexation because it might involve us in war with Mexico, and others because it was unconstitutional. After much debate, and different plans were discussed in Congress in relation to this important measure, involving many qu
Tennessee (Tennessee, United States) (search for this): chapter 29
relation to the famous expunging resolution, introduced by Mr. Benton into the Senate, to relieve President Jackson of a just censure, passed on him some years before, Mr. Tyler—receiving instructions from resolutions adopted by the Virginia Legislature, to vote for those resolutions—resigned his seat and returned home. Mr. Tyler may be considered a firm and decided Whig. In 1836, as a Whig candidate for the Vice-Presidency, he obtained the votes of Maryland, Georgia, South Carolina, and Tennessee. In 1838 he was a member of the Legislature from James City county, and fully cooperated with the Whig party. In relation to the Whig party, in its position to the second term of Jackson and the opposition to the election of Martin Van Buren, Calhoun truly remarked: It is also true that a common party designation (Whig) was applied to the opposition in the aggregate. But it is no less true that it was universally known that it consisted of two distinct parties, dissimilar in principl
Petersburg, Va. (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 29
ding statesmen of that day in denouncing the President, we also differ from the writer in attaching duplicity to the leading members of the Whig party, or apostacy to Clay in his connection with the bank bills. The men on each side of this excited contest were of an honor and integrity that would never have stooped to anything reflective on their character. The cordial union of Webster and the President, and the Cabinet he appointed, consisting of Forward, McLean, Upshur, Wickliff, Legare, Gilmer, Calhoun and Mason, is strong proof of his honor and integrity, and we are pleased to think that John Tyler, President of the United States, outlived every slander and abuse uttered against his name and character, and that the voice of those by whom he was well known to the day of his death, and the historic page, alike concur in one belief of his untouched honor. The statement of the President, published in the work before us, which was, however, well known in the history of the bank ques
Louis Napoleon (search for this): chapter 29
ith the United States there is in learning and science—and all the beautiful accomplishments of literature, as in the constitutional forms of government—a true republicanism that admits to favor the deserving and meritorious of all classes, and this constitutes its national nobility reflective of virtue, learning and cultivated talent. In most of the European governments we have seen at different periods some genius incarnate itself in a man. France has had its Richelieu, its Voltaire, its Napoleon, and so has other countries; and, for the time being, these incarnated geniuses made all other talent gravitate to it as controlling even the very current of national thought. Happily such is not the case in the United States. Here every grade of learning and talent has its powers, unimpaired by social or public stamp, and rises and develops its light and strength in any department to which it can truly and justly apply itself. True genius and cultivated talent—with virtue and moral prin<
Voltaire (search for this): chapter 29
authorship. With the United States there is in learning and science—and all the beautiful accomplishments of literature, as in the constitutional forms of government—a true republicanism that admits to favor the deserving and meritorious of all classes, and this constitutes its national nobility reflective of virtue, learning and cultivated talent. In most of the European governments we have seen at different periods some genius incarnate itself in a man. France has had its Richelieu, its Voltaire, its Napoleon, and so has other countries; and, for the time being, these incarnated geniuses made all other talent gravitate to it as controlling even the very current of national thought. Happily such is not the case in the United States. Here every grade of learning and talent has its powers, unimpaired by social or public stamp, and rises and develops its light and strength in any department to which it can truly and justly apply itself. True genius and cultivated talent—with virtue <
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