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Browsing named entities in a specific section of George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 4, 15th edition.. Search the whole document.

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William Pitt (search for this): chapter 7
gain a seat in parliament, the Great Commoner himself Mr. Pitt to the duke of Newcastle, in Chatham Correspondence, i. 8 the management of the new House of Commons. The duke, said Pitt, might as well send his jackboot to lead us. The House abounded in noted men. Besides Pitt, and Fox, and Murray, the heroes of a hundred magnificent debates, there was the universally able Mr. Pitt to the Earl of Hardwicke, 6 April, 1764, in Chatham Correspondence, i. 106. George Grenville; the solemn ave no name for it,—meaning the House of Lords. Thus did Pitt oppose to corrupt influence his genius and his gift of speam its humiliating dependence on a few great families. Thus Pitt and Prince George became allies, moving from most opposite upulous man, having privately foresworn all connection with Pitt, entered the cabinet without appointment to office, and, asulous diplomatist put trust in the assurances Stanley to Pitt, in Thackeray's Chatham, II. 581. of friendly intentions, w
chap. VII.} 1754. solemn assurances of England. Giving discretionary power in case of a rupture, they instructed Duquesne to act only on the defensive; Le Garde des Sceaux to Duqaesne, 1754. New York Paris Doc., x., 44. to shun effusion of blood, and to employ Indian war-parties only when indispensable to tranquillity. Yet Canada, of which the population was but little above eighty thousand, sought security by Indian alliances. Chiefs of the Six Nations were invited to the colony, Holland to Lieut. Gov. Delancey, 1 Jan., 1755. and, on their arrival, were entreated, by a very large belt of wampum from six nations of French Indians, to break the sale of lands to the English on the Ohio. Have regard, they cried, for your offspring; for the English, whom you call your brothers, seek your ruin. Already the faithless Shawnees, Duquesne to De Drucourt, 8 March, 1755. the most powerful tribe on the Ohio, made war on the English, and distributed English scalps and prisoners amon
William Smith (search for this): chapter 7
the assembly, whose power to prepare and pass the bills granting money, was admitted by the crown. See the case prepared by Mr. Charles, the New York agent, in Smith's New York, II. 195. It was under these influences that the Assembly of New York, in a loyal address to the king, had justified their conduct. The Newcastle adminTrade, Representation of the Board of Trade, 4 April, 1754, in N. Y. London Documents, XXXI. 39. and summarily condemned the colony by rejecting its address. Smith's New York, II. But the opinion of the best English lawyers Opinion of Hay in Smith, II. 197. No doubt this was also George Grenville's opinion. became more anSmith, II. 197. No doubt this was also George Grenville's opinion. became more and more decided against the legality of a government by royal instructions; encouraging the Americans to insist on the right of their legislatures to deliberate freely and come to their own conclusions; and on the other hand leading British statesmen to the belief, that the rule for the colonies must be prescribed by an act of the B
Scotchmen (search for this): chapter 7
t rebellion was threatening military execution. Our success, he at that time complained to Bedford, has been too rapid. It would have been better for the extirpation of this rabble, if they had stood. All the good we have chap. VII.} 1754. done, he wrote to Newcastle, has been a little bloodletting. Coxe's Pelham Ad., i., 303. His attendant, George Townshend, afterwards to be much connected with American affairs, promised his friends still more entertainment in the way of beheading Scotchmen on Tower Hill; and he echoed Cumberland, as he wrote, I wish the disaffection was less latent, that the land might be more effectually purged at once. Jesse's George Selwyn, i., 114. For the American major-general and commanderin-chief, Edward Braddock was selected, a man in fortunes desperate, in manners brutal, in temper despotic; obstinate and intrepid; expert in the niceties of a review; harsh in discipline. Walpole's Memoires of Geo. II., i., 390, confirmed by many letters o
rected to obey the king's instructions. They insisted that such instructions, though a rule of conduct to his governor, were not the measure of obedience to the people; that the rule of obedience was positive law; that a command to grant chap. VII.} 1754. money was neither constitutional nor legal; being inconsistent with the freedom of debate and the rights of the assembly, whose power to prepare and pass the bills granting money, was admitted by the crown. See the case prepared by Mr. Charles, the New York agent, in Smith's New York, II. 195. It was under these influences that the Assembly of New York, in a loyal address to the king, had justified their conduct. The Newcastle administration trimmed between the contending parties. It did not adopt effective measures to enforce its orders; while it yet applauded the conduct of the Board of Trade, Representation of the Board of Trade, 4 April, 1754, in N. Y. London Documents, XXXI. 39. and summarily condemned the colony by r
Henry Seymour Conway (search for this): chapter 7
in noted men. Besides Pitt, and Fox, and Murray, the heroes of a hundred magnificent debates, there was the universally able Mr. Pitt to the Earl of Hardwicke, 6 April, 1764, in Chatham Correspondence, i. 106. George Grenville; the solemn Sir George Lyttleton, known as a poet, historian and orator; Hillsborough, industrious, precise, well meaning, but without sagacity; the arrogant, unstable Sackville, proud of his birth, ambitious of the highest stations; the amiable, candid, irresolute Conway; Charles Townshend, confident in his ability, and flushed with chap. VII.} 1754. success. Then, too, the young Lord North, welleducated, abounding in good-humor, made his entrance into public life with such universal favor, that every company resounded with the praises of his parts and merit. But Newcastle had computed what he might dare; at the elections, corruption had returned a majority devoted to the minister who was incapable of settled purposes or consistent conduct. The period w
George Clinton (search for this): chapter 7
g America became one of the first objects of their attention; and, with the inconsiderate levity, rashness, and want of principle that mark imbecile men in the conduct of affairs, they were ever ready to furnish precedents for future measures of oppression. The Newcastle ministry proceeded without regard to method, consistency, or law. The province of New York had replied to the condemnation of its policy, contained in Sir Danvers Osborne's instructions, by a well-founded impeachment of Clinton for embezzling public funds and concealing it by false accounts; for gaining undue profits from extravagant grants of lands, and grants to himself under fictitious names; and for selling civil and military offices. These grave accusations were neglected. But the province had also complained that its legislature had been directed to obey the king's instructions. They insisted that such instructions, though a rule of conduct to his governor, were not the measure of obedience to the peopl
Charles Townshend (search for this): chapter 7
his birth, ambitious of the highest stations; the amiable, candid, irresolute Conway; Charles Townshend, confident in his ability, and flushed with chap. VII.} 1754. success. Then, too, the young dford, Halifax, and the Marquis of Rockingham, were all reputed Whigs. So were George and Charles Townshend, the young Lord North, Grenville, Conwayand Sackville. On the vital elements chap. VII.energetic measures to regain the lost territory. Coxe's Life of Horace Waxpole, II. 67. Charles Townshend would have sent three thousand regulars with three hundred thousand pounds, to New Englandi., 365. Egmont interceded to protect America from this new grievance of military law; but Charles Townshend defended the measure, and, turning to Lord Egmont, exclaimed, Take the poor American by thnceived, would yield a very large sum. Huske, an American, writing under the patronage of Charles Townshend, urged a reform in the colonial administration, and moderate taxation by parliament, as fr
vernor and council, without the assembly, should have power to levy money after any manner that may be deemed most ready and convenient. A common fund, so Shirley assured his American colleagues, on the authority of the British secretary of state, must be either voluntarily raised, or assessed in some other way. I have had in my hands vast masses of correspondence, including letters from servants of the crown in every royal colony in America; from civilians, as well as from Braddock, and Dunbar, and Gage; from the popular Delancey and the moderate Sharpe, as well as from Dinwiddie and Shirley; and all were of the same tenor. The British ministry heard one general clamor from men in office for taxation by act of parliament. Even men of liberal tendencies looked to acts of English authority for aid. I hope that Lord Halifax's plan may be good and take place, said chap. VII.} 1755. Alexander, of New York. Hopkins, governor of Rhode Island, elected by the people, complained of the
Benjamin Franklin (search for this): chapter 7
nning how the common fund could be made efficient; and to Franklin—who, in December, 1754, revisited the region in which he taxes on America. The people in the colonies, replied Franklin, Franklin to Shirley, 17 Dec. and 18 Dec. 1754, in WorFranklin to Shirley, 17 Dec. and 18 Dec. 1754, in Works, III, 57, 58. are better judges of the necessary preparations for defence, and their own abilities to bear them. Governopolis. Against taxation of the colonies by parliament, Franklin urged, that it would lead to dangerous animosities and fem representatives in parlia- chap. VII.} 1754. ment; and Franklin replied, that unity of government should be followed by aca not less than those on her own soil. Unable to move Franklin from the deeply-seated love of popular liberty and power rliament. At the same time he warned against the plea of Franklin in behalf of the Albany plan, which he described as the aolonies, and endanger their dependency upon the crown. Franklin and Shirley parted, each to persevere in 1755. his own o
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