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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. Search the whole document.

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J. P. Hale (search for this): chapter 10
ship, to establish a new reign of terror for anti-slavery fanatics and ensure the lasting domination of the Slave Power. They wielded a packed Senate in whose twenty-seven standing committees the South had sixteen chairmanships, to say Lib. 20.6; cf. 21.14. nothing of those which she had assigned to Northern doughfaces, while in sixteen committees she had carefully secured a majority of actual slaveholders, and from all had insolently excluded the three truly Northern Lib. 20.32. Senators, Hale, Seward, and Chase. A House, packed J. P. Hale, W. H. Seward. S. P. Chase. in like manner, completed the Congress whose destiny it was to pour oil upon the flames of the agitation it sought to extinguish. For eight months after Mr. Clay introduced his so-called Compromise Resolutions, they, Jan. 21, 1850; Lib. 20.21. and the measures to which they gave birth in an Omnibus Bill, engrossed the attention of both Houses and of the country. No appropriation bill could be passed. Lib. 20.118.
John P. Hale (search for this): chapter 10
majority of actual slaveholders, and from all had insolently excluded the three truly Northern Lib. 20.32. Senators, Hale, Seward, and Chase. A House, packed J. P. Hale, W. H. Seward. S. P. Chase. in like manner, completed the Congress whose destiny it was to pour oil upon the flames of the agitation it sought to extinguish. Fappen—in a civil war. Moreover, the Free Soilers would have the ground cut from under them. As certain as that God exists in heaven, he cried to Lib. 20.125. John P. Hale with passionate blasphemy, your business, your avocation is gone! . . . There is California— she is admitted into the Union; will they [the Free Soilers] agita0.57, 58. attending the debates over the Compromise in Congress; those which grew out of the petitions for peaceable disunion Lib. 20.29, 30, 38. presented by John P. Hale in the Senate; the calling of the Nashville Convention to concert disunion from the Lib. 21.3. Southern point of view; the various Southern legislative Lib.
e, was now some forty-six years of age. He began life as a boatman on the Hudson River, and, passing easily into the sporting class, went to seek his fortunes as a professional gambler in the paradise of the Southwest. In this region he became familiar with all forms of violence, including the institution of slavery. After many personal hazards and vicissitudes, he returned to New York city, where he proved to be admirably qualified for local political leadership in connection with Tammany Hall. A sporting-house which he opened became a Democratic rendezvous and the headquarters of the Empire Club, an organization of roughs and desperadoes who acknowledged his captaincy. His campaigning in behalf of Polk and Dallas in 1844 secured him the friendly Lib. 15.55. patronage of the successful candidate for Vice-President, Geo. M. Dallas. and he took office as Weigher in the Custom-house of the metropolis. He found time, while thus employed, to engineer the Astor Place riot on behalf
William H. Herndon (search for this): chapter 10
ow to be slaveholders (Ms. June 11, 1888, C. M. Clay to Gen. Fayette Hewitt, Auditor of Kentucky; and see Greeley's Life of C. M. Clay ). De Bow's estimate for the same State, in 1850, hirers included, was 38,385. Clay, again, in a letter to the National Republican Convention at Pittsburg of Feb. 22, 1856 (Lib. 26.41), put the Southern slaveholders at 300,000, but De Bow's larger estimate was generally current—350,000 (Josiah Quincy, June 5, 1856, Library of American literature, 4.308; Wm. H. Herndon, 1856, Lib. 26.70; Theodore Parker, 1856, Lib. 26.81; Harriet Martineau, 1857, Lib. 27: 173); 400,000 (W. L. G., 1857, Lib. 27: 72; Owen Lovejoy, April 5, 1860, Lib. 30: 62). For the sake of the moneyed interests and social and political supremacy of this oligarchy, the whole country was plunging headlong into a frightful abyss of idolatry of the Union, and utter repudiation of the claims of humanity in the person of the enslaved—and especially of the fleeing, hunted, and imploring—negro<
Fayette Hewitt (search for this): chapter 10
f 1850, estimated the total number at 347,525, or, excluding the hirers of slaves, 186,551. This would make an average holding of 17, whereas the Kentucky average reported to Palfrey and Jay was 22, and seemed too low to apply to the South at large, as the size of gangs increased going Gulfward (Lib. 20: 38). In a speech delivered in 1844, Cassius Clay said, 31,495 only [of the then population of Kentucky] the Auditor's books show to be slaveholders (Ms. June 11, 1888, C. M. Clay to Gen. Fayette Hewitt, Auditor of Kentucky; and see Greeley's Life of C. M. Clay ). De Bow's estimate for the same State, in 1850, hirers included, was 38,385. Clay, again, in a letter to the National Republican Convention at Pittsburg of Feb. 22, 1856 (Lib. 26.41), put the Southern slaveholders at 300,000, but De Bow's larger estimate was generally current—350,000 (Josiah Quincy, June 5, 1856, Library of American literature, 4.308; Wm. H. Herndon, 1856, Lib. 26.70; Theodore Parker, 1856, Lib. 26.81; Harr
Samuel Hoar (search for this): chapter 10
ow consistently he had dodged every opportunity Ante, 2.247. in Congress to make himself the spokesman of that muchdesired North, or the protector of that respectable religious feeling when it was regularly coerced into silence in both Houses! What word or act of his in support of John Quincy Adams since 1830 could be cited— what to vindicate the right of petition? How did he resent the expulsion of Massachusetts from the Federal Ante, p. 130. courts in South Carolina in the person of Samuel Hoar? See, for a partial answer, his fulsome flattery of Charleston for its hospitality, and—risum teneatis?—as the home of the oppressed, during his visit to that city in May, 1847 (Webster's Works, 2: 371-388). As the real stake of the Compromise game was the Fugitive Slave Law, One of those affiliated measures denied the admission of New Mexico because she had determined to come as a free State, and remanded her to come back in the habiliments of slavery. Another distinctly intimat<
Isaac T. Hopper (search for this): chapter 10
Phillips, of Edmund Quincy, of Charles F. Hovey, of William H. Furness, of Samuel May, Jr., of Sydney Howard Gay, of Isaac T. Hopper, of Henry C. Wright, of Abby Kelley Foster, of Frederick Douglass, of Mr. Garrison—against whom his menaces were speupon for a pretext was not blasphemy, but the alleged insult to the President Rev. W. H. Furness, Lib. 20: 81). Cf. Isaac T. Hopper, Lib. 20.106. Mr. Garrison, as the Rev. Samuel May testifies, calmly replied that he had simply quoted some rece the absolute non-interference of the city authorities on behalf of free speech and personal and civic rights. Both Isaac T. Hopper and Sydney H. Gay had called upon the Chief of Police Lib. 20.86; Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.202. (George W. Matsell) rison's magnanimity proved even a municipal safe-conduct for the captain of Lib. 20.106. the Empire Club. For when Isaac T. Hopper reported him to the Mayor as again breaking up the meeting, that official protested—But I understand that Capt. Rynd
C. F. Hovey (search for this): chapter 10
racuse treason here, and any man shall arrest him in his diabolical career, and not injure him, thousands will exclaim, in language of patriotic love for the Constitution and the rights of the South, did he not strike the Villain dead? Lib. 20.77. W. L. Garrison to his Wife. New York, May 7, 1850. Ms. I arrived here safely yesterday afternoon at 4 o'clock, in Tuesday morning. S. May, jr. C. F. Hovey. company with Phillips, Francis and Edmund Jackson, Mr. May and his mother, Mr. Hovey, and other dear anti-slavery friends. The rain, which was pouring down so copiously when we left Boston, accompanied us nearly all the distance, an immense quantity having fallen over a wide tract of country. . . . In the course of another hour, I shall be on my way to our meeting at the Tabernacle, bound in the spirit, as Paul said of old, not knowing the things that shall befall me there, saving that bonds and afflictions abide with me, in every city, though none of these things mov
Charles F. Hovey (search for this): chapter 10
itution and the rights of the South, did he not strike the Villain dead? Lib. 20.77. W. L. Garrison to his Wife. New York, May 7, 1850. Ms. I arrived here safely yesterday afternoon at 4 o'clock, in Tuesday morning. S. May, jr. C. F. Hovey. company with Phillips, Francis and Edmund Jackson, Mr. May and his mother, Mr. Hovey, and other dear anti-slavery friends. The rain, which was pouring down so copiously when we left Boston, accompanied us nearly all the distance, an immenses upon the Roman Senate. The barbarism of Rynders was confronted with the loftiest morality, the greatest personal dignity, of the time. He found himself in the midst of Francis and Edmund Jackson, of Wendell Phillips, of Edmund Quincy, of Charles F. Hovey, of William H. Furness, of Samuel May, Jr., of Sydney Howard Gay, of Isaac T. Hopper, of Henry C. Wright, of Abby Kelley Foster, of Frederick Douglass, of Mr. Garrison—against whom his menaces were specially directed. Never was a human bein
Edmund Jackson (search for this): chapter 10
trike the Villain dead? Lib. 20.77. W. L. Garrison to his Wife. New York, May 7, 1850. Ms. I arrived here safely yesterday afternoon at 4 o'clock, in Tuesday morning. S. May, jr. C. F. Hovey. company with Phillips, Francis and Edmund Jackson, Mr. May and his mother, Mr. Hovey, and other dear anti-slavery friends. The rain, which was pouring down so copiously when we left Boston, accompanied us nearly all the distance, an immense quantity having fallen over a wide tract of countastorate, p. 30. The scene recalled the descent of the Gauls upon the Roman Senate. The barbarism of Rynders was confronted with the loftiest morality, the greatest personal dignity, of the time. He found himself in the midst of Francis and Edmund Jackson, of Wendell Phillips, of Edmund Quincy, of Charles F. Hovey, of William H. Furness, of Samuel May, Jr., of Sydney Howard Gay, of Isaac T. Hopper, of Henry C. Wright, of Abby Kelley Foster, of Frederick Douglass, of Mr. Garrison—against whom h
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