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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. Search the whole document.

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November 18th (search for this): chapter 12
rough Charles Gilpin a letter to Lib. 22.3. Kossuth admonishing him not to go to America, and to give to the world his reasons for staying away. On November 17, Richard Webb, forwarding his mite for Lib. 21:[203]. the Hungarian fund to the Mayor of Southampton, desired him to lay before Kossuth considerations why, in visiting America, he should not forfeit the esteem of European admirers by ignoring the existence of slavery. The Edinburgh Ladies' Emancipation Society, on Lib. 21.206. November 18, and the Glasgow anti-slavery societies forwarded Lib. 22.3. addresses of a like tenor. A committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society in person ensured the Lib. 22.3. conveyance to Kossuth of truthful warning. Copies of the Fugitive Slave Law and of Weld's Slavery as it is A book of horrors, the perusal of which would have congealed the blood of Kossuth if he had been a true man (W. L. Garrison in Lib. 22.6). The full title of this work, compiled by Theodore D. Weld, wa
December 15th (search for this): chapter 12
rth than were dreamed of in my philosophy. Now may it not be that he has got the impression that we are Lib. 22.13. all actually engaged in abolishing slavery? The men in the Senate who speak most eloquently and in his behalf are reported to him as on the abolition side. He falls in with H. W. Beecher, a leading clergyman—anti-slavery; with Bryant, an eminent W. C. Bryant. poet and editor. Bryant presided and Mr. Beecher said grace at a press dinner given to Kossuth in New York on Dec. 15 (Lib. 21: 206). Kossuth subsequently spoke at Plymouth Church, netting $10,000 for the Hungarian fund (ibid.). See Beecher's humorous invention in the Independent of a clerical committee visiting Kossuth at quarantine, and catechising him as to his views on slavery (Lib. 21.174). How can he escape the idea that we have really taken the matter in hand, and how can he doubt that a nation which must appear to him so young and vigorous, is equal to the correction of any abuse? Does he not hear
1829 AD (search for this): chapter 12
tions of his prose and verse. To analyze it here is unnecessary. It traced soberly and severely Kossuth's fall; offset his sickening encomium of American freedom with parallel columns of slaveholding barbarities, In this respect, the letter is worthy to be consulted along with Weld's Slavery as it is and Mrs. Stowe's Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin. and his subserviency to slavery with the attitude of Thompson, O'Connell, O'Connell (I was told the anecdote by Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton), in 1829, after his election to the House of Commons, was called upon by the West India interest, some fifty or sixty strong, who said, O'Connell, you have been accustomed to act with Clarkson and Wilberforce, Lushington and Brougham, to speak on the platform of Freemasons' Hall and advocate what is called the abolition cause. Mark this! If you will break loose from these associates, if you will close your mouth on the slave question, you may reckon on our undivided support on Irish matters. Whene
1839 AD (search for this): chapter 12
mmittee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society in person ensured the Lib. 22.3. conveyance to Kossuth of truthful warning. Copies of the Fugitive Slave Law and of Weld's Slavery as it is A book of horrors, the perusal of which would have congealed the blood of Kossuth if he had been a true man (W. L. Garrison in Lib. 22.6). The full title of this work, compiled by Theodore D. Weld, was American slavery as it is: testimony of a thousand witnesses. . . . New York: Am. A. S. Society, 1839. This and the Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin are the two great manuals of authentic information concerning the atrocities of American slavery. Lib. 22.6. were placed in his hands. To all this intelligence he paid no heed. He did not avoid the slaveholding confederacy. He landed in New York on December 5, 1851, and his first words showed that he meant to be neutral on the subject of slavery, and would in fact take sides against the abolitionists. The soil of freedom, your happy home. Freed
1840 AD (search for this): chapter 12
st summer at his house at Muswell Hill, wrote Elizabeth Pease to Mr. Garrison on July 9, 1852, which brought vividly before me the happy evening we passed there in 1840 [cf. ante, 2: 377, 390]. I had the treat of meeting Mazzini—a truly great man as he appears in his present position, and I cannot but entertain the hope that he wess generally has behaved remarkably well, and treated the effort respectfully, in many instances cordially. What a change, my dear friend, has been wrought since 1840, when the American Anti-Slavery Society was rent asunder, on the sole ground (at least ostensibly), that it Ante, 2.348, 349. was an intolerable outrage, and shoc 1851. O. Johnson to W. L. G. and who became from that time truly a familiar spirit to Mr. Garrison—sometimes notably, and so consistently as to produce the pleasurable conviction that it was indeed Rogers who, clothed and in his right mind, sought to atone for his hostile aberration, and to restore the joyous friendship of 1840
1842 AD (search for this): chapter 12
uth. On November 8, 1851, he sailed from New York, recalling Lib. 21.185. himself for a moment to public attention by issuing a farewell address. He professed to have added more than 600,000 disciples to the cause of total abstinence—an empty boast. He tendered to his countrymen on this side of the Atlantic some wholesome parting advice, but with a grave omission as to their duty towards slavery, which Mr. Garrison supplied by appending to the address in the Liberator the Irish Address of 1842. Father Lib. 21.185. Mathew left also his thanks to individuals—to a slaveholder, first of all: to Henry Clay, namely. To the same hollow friend alike of temperance and of freedom, he wrote on December 29, 1851, from Cork, sending good Colton's Private Corr. of Clay, p. 624. wishes and blessings for the New Year to the pride and glory of the United States, and writing himself down the most grateful of your admirers. Father Mathew had, nevertheless, witnessed on the spot the degradatio
September 2nd, 1843 AD (search for this): chapter 12
He had seen the suppression of free speech attempted, in the name of the Union and the Constitution, by the dregs of society like Rynders, with the approval of Ante, p. 288. what was most respectable in church and state. He had seen George Thompson, a co-worker with O'Connell Ante, p. 331. in behalf of Irish and Catholic emancipation, singled out for dedication to mob violence by Henry Clay in the Ante, p. 327. Senate Chamber. Clay had tried his hand at inciting mobs before. On Sept. 2, 1843, he wrote to his future biographer, the Rev. Calvin Colton, urging him to prepare a popular tract whose great aim and object . . . should be to arouse the laboring classes in the free States against Abolition. Depict the consequences to them of immediate abolition. The slaves, being free, would be dispersed throughout the Union; they would enter into competition with the free laborer; with the American, the Irish, the German; reduce his wages; be confounded with him, and affect his mor
1846 AD (search for this): chapter 12
ery, or they must renounce liberty. They cannot renounce liberty. They must renounce slavery, or renounce the Gospel. They will never renounce the Gospel ( Letter to Louis Kossuth, p. 38; Lib. 21: 126). and Lafayette; In the Liberty Bell for 1846, p. 64, Thomas Clarkson, describing to Mrs. Chapman his intimacy with Lafayette, reported him to have said, frequently, I would never have drawn my sword in the cause of America if I could have conceived that thereby I was founding a land of slavm the source supposed. Cf. Lib. 22.86. Credence—entire credence—he would gladly have lent to a communication purporting to come, through his guileless Quaker friend, Isaac Post of Rochester, N. Y., from the spirit of N. P. Rogers, who died in 1846. He first Oct. 16. heard of this from William C. Nell, a colored Bostonian Ms. Sept. 15-17, 1851. temporarily assisting Frederick Douglass with his paper. He reprinted it in May, 1852, from Friend Post's Voices Lib. 22.86, 88. from the Spiri
1848 AD (search for this): chapter 12
b. 22: 126). In other words, the Compromise alone had averted disunion. It is a covenant with death to be annulled— an agreement with hell that shall not stand! The Free Soil Party really came to an end, as a national organization, in the year 1848 in which it was formed. There was little disposition to revive it in 1852, and to go through the form of a separate ticket which had not the ghost of a chance of succeeding. Both Giddings and Lib. 22.113. Sumner felt that another four years muswise came to naught, in spite of their obeisance to the compromises of the Constitution—in spite of the aid given by the Fugitive Slave Law and by Uncle Tom's Cabin. They polled Lib. 22.207, 211. some 156,000 votes, against more than 290,000 in 1848. Mr. Garrison's special activity during the last quarter of the year is imaged in the following correspondence. The first letter relates to the celebration of the Jerry rescue at Syracuse: W. L. Garrison to S. J. May. Boston, Sept. 16
1849 AD (search for this): chapter 12
ontention with Father Mathew, in an article on Patriotism and Christianity—Kossuth and Jesus, Lib. 19.138; Writings of Garrison, p. 78. he wrote, in the summer of 1849: He [Kossuth] is strictly local, territorial, national. The independence of Hungary, alone, absorbs his thoughts and inspires his efforts; and, to obtain it, he fly express Kossuth's relation to slavery and the abolitionists as soon as he consented to make his appeal for help to a slaveholding nation. Towards the close of 1849, the meetings of Hungarian sympathizers began to multiply so greatly that Mr. Garrison grouped them as a text for another Lib. 19.193. article, on National Hypocrthe independence of Hayti; and recalling the Polish demonstrations of twenty years before, in which the South was Ante, 1.250. conspicuous. When in the winter of 1849-50 Congress assembled, it was a pro-slavery doughface, Lewis Cass, Lib. 20.6, 7. who offered in the Senate a resolution suspending diplomatic relations with Austr
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