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January, 1849 AD (search for this): chapter 12
y. That law is merely incidental to slavery, and there is no merit in opposition which extends no further than to its provisions. Our warfare is not against slave-hunting alone, but against the existence of slavery. Penn. Freeman. What is stranger, perhaps, Uncle Tom did not tell on the vote of the anti-slavery political party in this Presidential year, 1852. To this party we must now give some attention, beginning with a retrospect. Nothing, said the editor of the Liberator, in January, 1849, can be more superficial or more destitute of principle than the Free Soil movement Lib. 19.6, 7.; and at the annual meeting of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society in the same month, Wendell Jan. 24-26. Phillips moved a resolve that abolitionists could not look Lib. 19.19. on the Free Soil Party as an anti-slavery party in any proper sense of the term. Of the Liberty Party papers which had turned Free Soil in order to survive, Mr. Garrison declared that they had all lost vigor and
January 10th, 1849 AD (search for this): chapter 12
n a speech at Worcester Lib. 21.130. on August 1, 1851, the Free Soil objections to that statute all related to its defects as law, not to its main purpose to give effect to the Constitutional provision concerning runaways. If Ellen Craft, for example, had been seized, allowed the writ of habeas corpus and a jury trial, and still been sentenced to return into slavery, the Free Soilers had nothing to say. Their chief, John P. Hale, expressly avowed in the Senate of the United States on January 10, 1849: I am willing—and I speak also in behalf of those who sent me here—I am willing that we should be held responsible, to the extent of the Constitutional obligation, for everything that may be required for the support and sustenance of American slavery. I am willing to go to the last letter in the bond. If you find in it the pound of flesh, take it; and if you find our heart's best blood written there, take it. I am ready to come up to the work freely, fairly, and fully, and to conf
May 2nd, 1849 AD (search for this): chapter 12
he form of a separate ticket which had not the ghost of a chance of succeeding. Both Giddings and Lib. 22.113. Sumner felt that another four years must pass before anything could be achieved. When a Convention at Pittsburgh was talked of, John P. Hale let it be known Lib. 22.131. in advance that he would not accept the nomination if tendered him again. Nevertheless, assemble it did on August 11, borrowing the appellation of Free Democracy Lib. 22.134. from the Cleveland Convention of May 2, 1849, Lib. 19.85. and drawing to itself both Free Soil and the remnant of independent Liberty Party elements. Henry Wilson presided. Frederick Douglass, on motion of Lewis Tappan, was made one of the secretaries. Charles Francis Adams, Gerrit Smith, F. J. Le Moyne, and Joshua R. Giddings took a leading part. The platform declared for no more slave States, no slave Territory, no nationalized slavery, and no national legislation for the extradition of slaves Lib. 22.134. —which last was to
1850 AD (search for this): chapter 12
he national sin of slaveholding, but by the Government's refusal to acknowledge the independence of Hayti; and recalling the Polish demonstrations of twenty years before, in which the South was Ante, 1.250. conspicuous. When in the winter of 1849-50 Congress assembled, it was a pro-slavery doughface, Lewis Cass, Lib. 20.6, 7. who offered in the Senate a resolution suspending diplomatic relations with Austria by way of pressure on Hungary's behalf—an interference with the domestic concerns of year the Barnburner element in New York returned to its Lib. 19.154, 178. natural alliance with the Hunker Democrats, while in Massachusetts the Free Soilers entered into coalition with Lib. 19.178. the Democrats for a division of offices. In 1850 came the Compromise, which still further undermined the Free Soil Party by indefinite postponement of the issue of slavery extension. As the New York Tribune said in 1851, from the point of view of Henry Clay: There being no longer any immediate
1851 AD (search for this): chapter 12
ermined the Free Soil Party by indefinite postponement of the issue of slavery extension. As the New York Tribune said in 1851, from the point of view of Henry Clay: There being no longer any immediate danger of the extension of slavery, the feelingdies' A. S. Society (Dublin: Webb & Chapman, 1852). A year before, Mr. McKim, in writing to Mr. Garrison Ms. Oct. 25, 1851. on another topic, asked if the rumor were true that he believed in the spiritual origin of the so-called Rochester knockiP. Rogers, who died in 1846. He first Oct. 16. heard of this from William C. Nell, a colored Bostonian Ms. Sept. 15-17, 1851. temporarily assisting Frederick Douglass with his paper. He reprinted it in May, 1852, from Friend Post's Voices Lib. , 1851, sent another message of reconciliation through Ms. Oliver Johnson by a boy medium near Waterloo, N. Y., Nov. (?) 1851. O. Johnson to W. L. G. and who became from that time truly a familiar spirit to Mr. Garrison—sometimes notably, and so co
March 3rd, 1851 AD (search for this): chapter 12
with Austria by way of pressure on Hungary's behalf—an interference with the domestic concerns of a foreign country which Thompson did not fail to Lib. 20.190. improve, in repelling censure of his apostleship of human rights in the United States. Kossuth, meanwhile, had surrendered to Turkey and Lib. 19.159. been interned, and had implored Palmerston's Lib. 19.174. intervention—for his country against Austrian subjugation; for himself against the dreaded extradition to Russia. On March 3, 1851, President Fillmore, with the same hand that had signed the Fugitive Slave Law, approved a joint resolution of the very Congress which had passed that law, Lib. 22.2. offering a vessel of the Mediterranean squadron to Kossuth and his fellow-exiles, if they were disposed to profit by this mode of escape. On March 27, Kossuth, at Broussa, Lib. 21.195. indited his grateful acceptance, lavishing upon the United States the most fulsome flattery. May your great example, noble Americans, be
July 6th, 1851 AD (search for this): chapter 12
is! If you will break loose from these associates, if you will close your mouth on the slave question, you may reckon on our undivided support on Irish matters. Whenever your country's claims come up, you shall be sure of fifty votes on your side. No, said O'Connell, let God care for Ireland; I will never shut my mouth on the slave question to save her! (Wendell Phillips, speech at the National A. S. Bazaar, Dec. 27, 1851. Lib. 22: 2.) Victor Hugo, Letter to Mrs. Chapman, Paris, July 6, 1851: Slavery in such a country! Can there be an incongruity more monstrous? Barbarism installed in the very heart of a country which is itself the affirmation of civilization; liberty wearing a chain; blasphemy echoing from the altar; the collar of the negro chained to the pedestal of Washington! . . . What! when slavery is departing from Turkey, shall it rest in America? What! Drive it from the hearth of Omar, and adopt it at the hearth of Franklin? . . . The United States must renounce
August 1st, 1851 AD (search for this): chapter 12
but subside. Lib. 21.125; ante, p. 274. And John Van Buren, taking the stump with Henry B. Stanton and Lib. 22.101, 161. Isaiah Rynders for Frank Pierce in 1852, echoed the sentiment that the need of the Free Soil Party, from Lib. 22.157. which he had ratted, ceased with the passage of the Compromise. The superficiality charged against the party was illustrated in its attitude towards the Fugitive Slave Law. As Wendell Phillips pointed out in a speech at Worcester Lib. 21.130. on August 1, 1851, the Free Soil objections to that statute all related to its defects as law, not to its main purpose to give effect to the Constitutional provision concerning runaways. If Ellen Craft, for example, had been seized, allowed the writ of habeas corpus and a jury trial, and still been sentenced to return into slavery, the Free Soilers had nothing to say. Their chief, John P. Hale, expressly avowed in the Senate of the United States on January 10, 1849: I am willing—and I speak also in b
September, 1851 AD (search for this): chapter 12
, and that it is I who have often whispered in his mental ear: Go on, my friend, for there is more with us than against us— if not bodily, surely there is spiritually, for God and all the good are with us. It is one of the minor puzzling curiosities of spiritual manifestations that certain characters attach themselves to an individual inquirer, and present themselves to him through divers mediums, both in his presence and in his absence. Thus it was with the disembodied Rogers, or his impersonator, who, in the same month of September, 1851, sent another message of reconciliation through Ms. Oliver Johnson by a boy medium near Waterloo, N. Y., Nov. (?) 1851. O. Johnson to W. L. G. and who became from that time truly a familiar spirit to Mr. Garrison—sometimes notably, and so consistently as to produce the pleasurable conviction that it was indeed Rogers who, clothed and in his right mind, sought to atone for his hostile aberration, and to restore the joyous friendship of 18
October 13th, 1851 AD (search for this): chapter 12
—must be his epitaph if he touches our shore! And again, after reading the address from Broussa: Slave-catchers will do by him as they have done, successfully, by Theobald Mathew—avail themselves of his world-wide fame and influence to prop up American slavery. Lib. 21.195. Will the Kossuth of America be the Kossuth or Haynau of Hungary? One or the other he must be. The English abolitionists needed no urging. Kossuth was to land in England. W. H. Ashurst wrote to Mr. Garrison on October 13, 1851, that a common friend, of Lib. 21.179. weight, had put in his hands for Kossuth Ashurst was a particular friend of the Italian patriots of the revolutionary era. I spent a part of a day last summer at his house at Muswell Hill, wrote Elizabeth Pease to Mr. Garrison on July 9, 1852, which brought vividly before me the happy evening we passed there in 1840 [cf. ante, 2: 377, 390]. I had the treat of meeting Mazzini—a truly great man as he appears in his present position, and I cannot<
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