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Carolina City (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
ates and Slave States to unite under any form of Constitution, no matter how clean the parchment may be, without the compact resulting in new strength to the slave system? It is the unimpaired strength of Massachusetts and New York, and the youthful vigor of Ohio, that, even now, enable bankrupt Carolina to hold up the institution. Every nation must maintain peace within her limits. No government can exist which does not fulfil that function. When we say the Union will maintain peace in Carolina, that being a Slave State, what does peace mean? It means keeping the slave beneath the heel of his master. Now, even on the principle of two wrongs making a right, if we put this great weight of a common government into the scale of the slaveholder, we are bound to add something equal to the slave's side. But no, Mr. Giddings is content to give the slaveholder the irresistible and organic help of a common government, and bind himself to utter no word, and move not a finger, in his civil
Whitehall (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
o keep us safe in such a Union, what will? In such desperate circumstances, can his statesmanship devise no better aim than to try the same experiment over again, under precisely the same conditions? What new guaranties does he propose to prevent the voyage from being again turned into a piratical slave-trading cruise? None! Have sixty years taught us nothing? In 1660, the English thought, in recalling Charles II., that the memory of that scaffold which had once darkened the windows of Whitehall would be guaranty enough for his good behavior. But, spite of the spectre, Charles II. repeated Charles I., and James outdid him. Wiser by this experience, when the nation, in 1689, got another chance, they trusted to no guaranties, but so arranged the very elements of their government that William III. could not repeat Charles I. Let us profit by the lesson. These mistakes of leading men merit constant attention. Such remarks as those I have quoted, uttered from the high places of pol
Mason, N. H. (New Hampshire, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
d trembling at the sight of a human being; free men are kidnapped in our streets, to be plunged into that hell of slavery; and now and then one, as if by miracle, after long years, returns to make men aghast with his tale. The press says, It is all right ; and the pulpit cries, Amen. They print the Bible in every tongue in which man utters his prayers; and get the money to do so by agreeing never to give the book, in the language our mothers taught us, to any negro, free or bond, south of Mason and Dixon's line. The press says, It is all right ; and the pulpit cries, Amen. The slave lifts up his imploring eyes, and sees in every face but ours the face of an enemy. Prove to me now that harsh rebuke, indignant denunciation, scathing sarcasm, and pitiless ridicule are wholly and always unjustifiable; else we dare not, in so desperate a case, throw away any weapon which ever broke up the crust of an ignorant prejudice, roused a slumbering conscience, shamed a proud sinner, or change
Walpole (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
These men devoted themselves to banks, to the tariff, to internal improvements, to constitutional and financial questions. They said to slavery: Back! no entrance here! We pledge ourselves against you. And then there came up a humble printer-boy, who whipped them into the traces, and made them talk, like Hotspur's starling, nothing but slavery. He scattered all these gigantic shadows,--tariff, bank, constitutional questions, financial questions,--and slavery, like the colossal head in Walpole's romance, came up and filled the whole political horizon [Enthusiastic applause.] Yet you must remember he is not a statesman; he is a fanatic. He has no discipline,--Mr. Ion says so; he does not understand the discipline that is essential to victory ! This man did not understand his own time,--he did not know what the future was to be,--he was not able to shape it,--he had no prudence, --he had no foresight Daniel Webster says, I have never introduced this subject, and never will, --and
Dixon, Ill. (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
g at the sight of a human being; free men are kidnapped in our streets, to be plunged into that hell of slavery; and now and then one, as if by miracle, after long years, returns to make men aghast with his tale. The press says, It is all right ; and the pulpit cries, Amen. They print the Bible in every tongue in which man utters his prayers; and get the money to do so by agreeing never to give the book, in the language our mothers taught us, to any negro, free or bond, south of Mason and Dixon's line. The press says, It is all right ; and the pulpit cries, Amen. The slave lifts up his imploring eyes, and sees in every face but ours the face of an enemy. Prove to me now that harsh rebuke, indignant denunciation, scathing sarcasm, and pitiless ridicule are wholly and always unjustifiable; else we dare not, in so desperate a case, throw away any weapon which ever broke up the crust of an ignorant prejudice, roused a slumbering conscience, shamed a proud sinner, or changed, in any
Waterloo, Ala. (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
lavery, whether you travel in railroad or steamboat, whether you enter the hall of legislation or read the columns of a newspaper,--it seems to me that such men may point to the present aspect of the nation, to their originally avowed purpose, to the pledges and efforts of all your great men against them, and then let you determine to which side the credit of sagacity and statesmanship belongs. Napoleon busied himself, at St. Helena, in showing how Wellington ought not to have conquered at Waterloo. The world has never got time to listen to the explanation. Sufficient for it that the Allies entered Paris. In like manner, it seems hardly the province of a defeated Church and State to deny the skill of measures by which they have been conquered. It may sound strange to some, this claim for Mr. Garrison of a profound statesmanship. Men have heard him styled a mere fanatic so long, that they are incompetent to judge him fairly. The phrases men are accustomed, says Goethe, to repea
America (Netherlands) (search for this): chapter 8
kes exception to Mr. Garrison's approval of the denunciatory language in which Daniel O'Connell rebuked the giant sin of America, and concludes his article with this sentence:-- When William Lloyd Garrison praises the great Celtic monarch of inveved the profoundest philosophical investigation from th pen of Richard Hildreth, in his invaluable essay on Despotism in America, --a work which deserves a place by the side of the ablest political disquisitions of any age. Mrs. Chapman's surveyilling incidents of the escape and sufferings of the fugitive, and the perils of his friends, the future Walter Scott of America would find the border-land of his romance, and the most touching incidents of his sixty years since ; and that the literature of America would gather its freshest laurels from that field. So much, Mr. Chairman, for our treatment of the Church. We clung to it as long as we hoped to make it useful. Disappointed in that, we have tried to expose its paltering and Hy
Europe (search for this): chapter 8
vengeance or redress? If you seek retaliation, go on denouncing. But distant Europe honors William Lloyd Garrison because it credits him with seeking for the slaveics discussed and the views maintained have been too often pale reflections of European politics and European philosophy. No matter what dress we assumed, the voice European philosophy. No matter what dress we assumed, the voice was ever the voice of Jacob. At last we have stirred a question thoroughly American; the subject has been looked at from a point of view entirely American; and it isvantage? Slavery has deeper root here than any aristocratic institution has in Europe; and politics is but the common pulse-beat, of which revolution is the fever-spasm. Yet we have seen European aristocracy survive storms which seemed to reach down to the primal strata of European life. Shall we, then, trust to mere politics, European life. Shall we, then, trust to mere politics, where even revolution has failed? How shall the stream rise above its fountain? Where shall our church organizations or parties get strength to attack their great p
Talleyrand (search for this): chapter 8
hord in that heart, the grandest growth of our soil and our institutions ? No He said, I made a mistake! Not, I was false in my stewardship of these great talents and this high position No I But on the chess-board of the political game, I made a bad move! I threw away my chances! A gambler, I did not understand my cards I And to whom does he offer this acknowledgment? To a clergyman I the representative of the moral sense of the community What a picture We laugh at the lack of heart in Talleyrand, when he says, It is worse than a crime, a blunder. Yet all our New-Englander can call this momentous crime of his life is — a mistake! Whether this statement be entirely true or not, we all know it is exactly the tone in which all about us talk of that speech. If the state ment be true, what an entire want of right feeling and moral sensibility is shows in Mr. Webster! If it be unfounded, still the welcome it has recelved, and the ready belief it has gained, show the popular appreci
Sutherland (search for this): chapter 8
--Mr. Mann's version is that of the politician. Mr. Mann's recent speech in August, 1852, has the same non-committal tone to which I have alluded in Mr. Sumner's. While professing, in the most eloquent terms, his loyalty to the Higher Law, Mr. Sutherland asked: Is there, in Mr. Mann's opinion, any conflict between that Higher Law and the Constitution? If so, what is it? If not so, why introduce an irrelevant topic into the debate? Mr. Mann avoided any reply, and asked not to be interrupted! Is that the frankness which becomes an Abolitionist? Can such concealment help any cause? The design of Mr. Sutherland is evident. If Mr. Mann had allowed there was no conflict between the Higher Law and the Constitution, all his remarks were futile and out of order. But if he asserted that any such conflict existed, how did he justify himself in swearing to support that instrument?--a question our Free Soil friends are slow to meet. Mr. Mann saw the dilemma, and avoided it by silence!
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