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Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 10
itable in Lib. 20.21. the case of California, and admit her as a free State— yet with the air of conceding something. To organize the Territories acquired from Mexico without raising the question of slavery—virtuously resisting the Southern demand for the prolongation of the Missouri Compromise parallel (because, said he, that arning that his election boded no good to the Ante, p. 238. Slave Power's schemes of expansion, for which, nevertheless, as a soldier, he had fought the war with Mexico. His Ante, p. 274; Lib. 20.114. attitude towards the grasping designs of Texas on New Mexico, and repression of the Southern filibustering Lib. 19.14, 136; 20Mexico, and repression of the Southern filibustering Lib. 19.14, 136; 20.114. against Cuba; his recommendation that California be Lib. 20.116. admitted a free State without conditions—dismayed the Southern extremists, and caused the anti-slavery North to regard his death as a calamity. It is incredible, however, that Taylor would not have signed the Fugitive Slave Bill. All we can say is, that he<
France (France) (search for this): chapter 10
tter in the presence of men than when the men are absent. (Much merriment.) But there is a philosophical reason for this, particularly as it respects legislation. We cannot have too much intellect, nor have too much humanity, mingled in our national councils; and I say we are robbing ourselves of all this by disfranchising one-half of the population. No man can show any good reason why woman should not have her political rights in this country. She will have them sooner or later here, in France, in England, and in all civilized countries. It is only a question of time. I know that there are a great many women who are sensitive on this subject; who are satisfied with their present condition; who declare that they are happy and lack nothing. With plenty to eat and drink, and plenty to wear, they deem themselves well off, and they do not see a necessity for any stir on this subject. Then there are others who are alarmed when they see any of their number going forward to address
Zachary Taylor (search for this): chapter 10
ent a Texan invasion of New Mexico, which President Taylor would resist with Federal troops, even th here seemed to run through the assembly.) Zachary Taylor sits there, which is the same thing, for hans hell. Alluding to a famous order of General Taylor's during the Mexican War. (Sensation, uproar, and confusion.) The name of Zachary Taylor had scarcely passed Mr. S. May, Jr., in Boston C he had simply quoted some recent words of General Taylor, and appealed to the audience if he had sa and the growing excitement at the North, President Taylor died, on the 9th of July, 1850. Lib. 20.s. July 11, 1850. to say anything against President Taylor, wrote Samuel May, Jr., to Mr. Garrison, So far as his short administration went, President Taylor had exhibited remarkable independence of a calamity. It is incredible, however, that Taylor would not have signed the Fugitive Slave Bill.ision when, in 1848, on giving his adhesion to Taylor's nomination, he said: And if any accident sho
Lewis Tappan (search for this): chapter 10
the origin Lib. 20.42. of slavery in America, and of its guarantees in the Constitution; his pretext, in regard to California and New Mexico, that their physical conditions debarred African slavery, and he would not take pains to reaffirm an ordinance of Nature, nor to reenact the will of God Lib. 20.43 cf. 21.93.; his offer to support a Government scheme of colonizing Lib. 20.46. the free colored population of the South In the Boston Congregationalist of July 6, 1849 (Lib. 19.166), Lewis Tappan told of having acted as secretary of a colonization meeting held at the Marlboroa Hotel, Boston, in 1822, Webster presiding, and Judge Story introducing resolutions. This was followed by one to organize the Massachusetts Colonization Society, when a great division of sentiment was manifested over the constitution reported, and Webster at length declared: It is a scheme of the slaveholders to get rid of the free negroes. I will have nothing to do with it—and left the room.—all was mere s
lineage, was now some forty-six years of age. He began life as a boatman on the Hudson River, and, passing easily into the sporting class, went to seek his fortunes as a professional gambler in the paradise of the Southwest. In this region he became familiar with all forms of violence, including the institution of slavery. After many personal hazards and vicissitudes, he returned to New York city, where he proved to be admirably qualified for local political leadership in connection with Tammany Hall. A sporting-house which he opened became a Democratic rendezvous and the headquarters of the Empire Club, an organization of roughs and desperadoes who acknowledged his captaincy. His campaigning in behalf of Polk and Dallas in 1844 secured him the friendly Lib. 15.55. patronage of the successful candidate for Vice-President, Geo. M. Dallas. and he took office as Weigher in the Custom-house of the metropolis. He found time, while thus employed, to engineer the Astor Place riot on
Charles Sumner (search for this): chapter 10
20:[158], [163], 166, 176. England, towards Canada. Here and there they were encouraged to remain firm, they armed themselves, they were Lib. 20.159, [163], 166. given arms; but even from Boston the exodus was Lib. 20.166; 21.39. marked. Senator Sumner estimated that, altogether, as many as 6,000 Christian men and women, Chas. Sumner; Lib. 34.70. meritorious persons—a larger band than that of the escaping Puritans —precipitately fled from homes which they had established, to British soil. Chas. Sumner; Lib. 34.70. meritorious persons—a larger band than that of the escaping Puritans —precipitately fled from homes which they had established, to British soil. In February, 1851, it was reported that One hundred members of the Baptist Colored Church in Buffalo have gone to Canada. A large number of the Methodist Church, in the same place, have also left for a land of freedom. Out of one hundred and fourteen members of the Baptist Colored Church in Rochester, one hundred and twelve, including the pastor, have crossed the line. The Colored Baptist Church in Detroit has lost eighty-four of its members from the same cause (Lib. 21: 27). On the o
Moses Stuart (search for this): chapter 10
of Boston and Lib. 20.55, 57, 62. vicinity—great lawyers, like Rufus Choate and Benjamin R. Curtis; men of letters, like George Ticknor, William H. Prescott, and Jared Sparks (the last also the President of Harvard College); theologians like Moses Stuart, Leonard Woods, and Ralph Emerson of Andover Seminary. Half as many gentlemen of Newburyport confessed Lib. 20.73. their gratitude to Webster for his having recalled them to a due sense of their Constitutional obligations; and in this group we read the names of Francis Todd (who, if a novice in slave-catching, had known something of Ante, 1.180. slave-trading) and of the Rev. Daniel Dana, D. D. These Ante, 1.207. addresses, with Professor Stuart's obsequious pamphlet Lib. 20.83. on Conscience and the Constitution, elicited acknowledgments from Webster, which were so many supplements Lib. 20.62, 89, 121. to his 7th of March speech, coining fresh euphemisms for the shameful thing he invested with the sacred name of duty. At the
that their physical conditions debarred African slavery, and he would not take pains to reaffirm an ordinance of Nature, nor to reenact the will of God Lib. 20.43 cf. 21.93.; his offer to support a Government scheme of colonizing Lib. 20.46. the free colored population of the South In the Boston Congregationalist of July 6, 1849 (Lib. 19.166), Lewis Tappan told of having acted as secretary of a colonization meeting held at the Marlboroa Hotel, Boston, in 1822, Webster presiding, and Judge Story introducing resolutions. This was followed by one to organize the Massachusetts Colonization Society, when a great division of sentiment was manifested over the constitution reported, and Webster at length declared: It is a scheme of the slaveholders to get rid of the free negroes. I will have nothing to do with it—and left the room.—all was mere surplusage. It was his advocacy of the duty of slave-hunting which brought upon him the withering censure of Northern manhood, the hollow app
George Storrs (search for this): chapter 10
er Pillsbury, however, wrote from Concord, N. H., to Mr. Garrison: I take the liberty of calling your attention to the late Union Ms. Nov. 28, 1850. meeting in Manchester in this State, as reported in the N. H. Patriot. You will, I think, be greatly edified by some of the speeches, particularly with Ichabod Bartlett's, a Portsmouth Whig and the most able lawyer in the State, and also with Chas. G. Atherton's, of gag-rule memory, and Senator Norris's, Ante, 2: 247-249. who arrested Geo. Storrs while praying in a pulpit. The Ante, 2.67. indignation in this town on Mr. Thompson's visit to this country burns as hot as when he was here before. I think he would be mobbed as quick as then. . . . My decided opinion is, that a very large majority of the people of this State will support with alacrity Webster's phrase for fulfilling constitutional obligations (scilicet, slave-catching), in his 7th of March speech (Works, 5.355). the doctrines of the Manchester meeting. Men in Co
Lucy Stone (search for this): chapter 10
the cogency of their words and the power of their reasoning. So it will be with woman. Henry Bibb. She may fail at first, but her efforts will be crowned with equal success. I have only to say, I bid you God-speed, women of Massachusetts and New England, in this good work! Whenever your convention shall meet, and wherever it shall be, I shall endeavor to be there, to forward so good, so glorious a movement. Mr. Garrison kept his word. He signed the call headed Lib. 20.142. by Lucy Stone, he attended the Convention, addressed it, Lib. 20.181; Proceedings of Woman's Rights Convention (Boston, 1851). and was placed on sundry important committees. Wendell Phillips wrote to Elizabeth Pease on Mar. 9, 1851 (Ms.): You would have enjoyed the Women's Convention. I think I never saw a more intelligent and highly cultivated audience, more ability guided by the best taste on a platform, more deep, practical interest, on any occasion. It took me completely by surprise; and the w
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