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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders.. Search the whole document.

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1829 AD (search for this): chapter 3
a bearing Southwardly. emigration to the South. Kentucky and the vales of Frankland. Virginia's prosperity. her early land system. the Chesapeake. Alexandria. George Washington's great commercial project. two pictures of Virginia: 1789 and 1829. an example of the decline of the South in material prosperity. this decline not to be attributed to slavery. its true causes. effect of the Louisiana purchase on the tides of emigration. unequal Federal legislation, as a cause of the section had a great West Indian and a flourishing European trade. She imported for herself and for a good part of North Carolina and, perhaps, of Tennessee. She presented a picture in which every element of prosperity combined with lively effect. In 1829 it was estimated in her State Convention that her lands were worth only half what they were in 1817. Her slave property had proportionally declined, and negro men could be bought for one hundred and fifty dollars each. Her landed system had beco
1860 AD (search for this): chapter 3
wo sectional measures. comparisons of Southern representation in Congress at the date of the Constitution and in the year 1860. sectional domination of the North. a protective tariff. the bill of abominations. Senator Benton on the tariff of ot been able to keep up with the changes in the ratio of representation. This had been at first 33,000; in the census of 1860, it was raised to 127,381. In the first House of Representatives, Virginia had ten members to six from New York; the propina, which originally had one-thirteenth of the popular representation in Congress, would only return, under the census of 1860, four members in a house of two hundred and thirty-three. The representative power in the North had become enormously in outh than to remain helpless and at mercy in the Union or to essay a new political destiny. We shall see that in the year 1860 the North did choose to act in a mass, and that the South was thus and then irresistibly impelled to the experiment of Dis
1828 AD (search for this): chapter 3
of the Constitution and in the year 1860. sectional domination of the North. a protective tariff. the bill of abominations. Senator Benton on the tariff of 1828. his retrospect of the prosperity of the South. history of the American tariffs. tariff of 1833, a deceitful Compromise. other measures of Northern aggrandizemr a long time to submit, so helpless indeed that she was scarcely treated as a party to common measures of legislation. The foundation of the protective tariff of 1828-the bill of abominations, as it was styled by Mr. Calhoun--was laid in a Convention of Northern men at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania; and from this Convention were excluded all sections of the country intended to be made tributary under the act of Congress. Of the tariff of 1828 Senator Benton remarked: The South believed itself impoverished to enrich the North by this system; and certainly an unexpected result had been seen in these two sections. In the colonial state the Southern were the
1833 AD (search for this): chapter 3
ution and in the year 1860. sectional domination of the North. a protective tariff. the bill of abominations. Senator Benton on the tariff of 1828. his retrospect of the prosperity of the South. history of the American tariffs. tariff of 1833, a deceitful Compromise. other measures of Northern aggrandizement. ingenuity of Northern avarice. why the South could not use her Democratic alliance in the South to protect her interests. this alliance one only for party purposes. its valuee the rapacity of the North, and that through the demagogical exertions of Henry Clay of Kentucky, who courted Northern popularity, and enjoyed in Northern cities indecent feasts and triumphs for his infidelity to his section. But the tariff of 1833 was a deceitful compromise, and its terms were never intended by the North to be a final settlement of the question. In 1842 the settlement was repudiated, and the duties on manufactures again advanced. From that time until the period of Disunio
1817 AD (search for this): chapter 3
irginia was in the heyday of prosperity. Her system of tenant farms spread before the eye a picture of thrifty and affluent agriculture. In 1800 she had a great West Indian and a flourishing European trade. She imported for herself and for a good part of North Carolina and, perhaps, of Tennessee. She presented a picture in which every element of prosperity combined with lively effect. In 1829 it was estimated in her State Convention that her lands were worth only half what they were in 1817. Her slave property had proportionally declined, and negro men could be bought for one hundred and fifty dollars each. Her landed system had become extinct. Regions adapted to the growth of the grasses were converted into pasture lands. The busy farms disappeared; they were consolidated to make cattle-ranges and sheep-walks. Where once the eye was entertained with the lively and cheerful scenes of an abundant prosperity it looked over wasted fields, stunted forests of secondary growth of
1831 AD (search for this): chapter 3
seful and deserving, and that they were likely to lapse under the sudden return of peace and to sink under foreign competition. A demand so moderate and ingenious the South was not disposed to resist. Indeed, it was recommended by John C. Calhoun himself, who voted for the bill of 1816. But the danger was in the precedent. The principle of protection once admitted maintained its hold and enlarged its demands; it was successively carried farther in the tariffs of 1820, 24, and 28. And in 1831, when it was shown by figures in Congress that the financial exigencies that had first called the tariff into existence had completely passed away, and that the government was, in fact, collecting about twice as much revenue as its usual expenditures required, the North still held to its demands for protection, and strenuously resisted any repeal or reduction of the existing tariff. The demand of the South at this time, so ably enforced by Calhoun, for the repeal of the tariff, was recomme
1816 AD (search for this): chapter 3
se, and to make a contrast, and to excite the regrets which the memory of past joys never fails to awaken. The early history of the tariff makes a plain exhibition of the stark outrage perpetrated by it upon the Southern States. The measure of 1816 had originated in the necessities of a public revenue — for the war commenced against England four years before had imposed a debt upon the United States of one hundred and thirty millions of dollars. It was proposed to introduce into this tariffere likely to lapse under the sudden return of peace and to sink under foreign competition. A demand so moderate and ingenious the South was not disposed to resist. Indeed, it was recommended by John C. Calhoun himself, who voted for the bill of 1816. But the danger was in the precedent. The principle of protection once admitted maintained its hold and enlarged its demands; it was successively carried farther in the tariffs of 1820, 24, and 28. And in 1831, when it was shown by figures in
1789 AD (search for this): chapter 3
to the Northern States. Virginia's rank among the States at the time of the Revolution. commercial distress of the States after the Revolution. how New England suffered. the South then reckoned the seat of future empire. the people and strength of America bearing Southwardly. emigration to the South. Kentucky and the vales of Frankland. Virginia's prosperity. her early land system. the Chesapeake. Alexandria. George Washington's great commercial project. two pictures of Virginia: 1789 and 1829. an example of the decline of the South in material prosperity. this decline not to be attributed to slavery. its true causes. effect of the Louisiana purchase on the tides of emigration. unequal Federal legislation, as a cause of the sectional lapse of the South in the Union. the key to the political history of America. a great defect of the American Constitution. population as an element of prosperity and power. how this was thrown into the Northern scale. two sectional m
1800 AD (search for this): chapter 3
early periods of the government, in population and industry, Virginia affords the most striking example. To show the general fact and to illustrate especially the decline of that State, we may take two pictures of Virginia, placing an interval between them of scarcely more than one generation of men. At the time of the adoption of the Constitution, Virginia was in the heyday of prosperity. Her system of tenant farms spread before the eye a picture of thrifty and affluent agriculture. In 1800 she had a great West Indian and a flourishing European trade. She imported for herself and for a good part of North Carolina and, perhaps, of Tennessee. She presented a picture in which every element of prosperity combined with lively effect. In 1829 it was estimated in her State Convention that her lands were worth only half what they were in 1817. Her slave property had proportionally declined, and negro men could be bought for one hundred and fifty dollars each. Her landed system ha
1822 AD (search for this): chapter 3
rival section. Under this sectional domination grew up a system of protections and bounties to the North without parallel in the history of class legislation and of unequal laws in a common country. Virginia had accepted the Constitution in the hope that the General Government, having power to regulate commerce, would lift the restrictions from her trade. This consideration was held out as a bribe for votes in the Convention. She was bitterly disappointed. In the Virginia Convention of 1822, Mr. Watkins Leigh declared: Every commercial operation of the Federal Government, since I attained manhood, has been detrimental to the Southern Atlantic slaveholding, planting States. The South had no protection for her agriculture. At the time of the adoption of the Constitution, the manufacturing interest was a very unimportant one in the country. But manufactures soon became a prominent and special branch of industry in the North; and a course of sectional legislation was commenced
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