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Clarkson (search for this): chapter 5
he city of Boston is nothing. Why? Because the Mayor and Aldermen, and the Selectmen of Boston, for the last fifty years, have been such slaves of colorphobia, that they did not choose to execute this law of the Commonwealth. I might go through the statute-book, and show you the same result. Now if this be true against us, it is true for us. Remember, that the penny papers may be starved into antislavery, whenever we shall put behind them an antislavery public sentiment. Wilberforce and Clarkson had to vanquish the moneyed power of England, the West India interest, and overawe the peerage of Great Britain, before they conquered. The settled purpose of the great middle class had to wait till all this was accomplished. The moment we have the control of public opinion,--the women and the children, the school-houses, the school-books, the literature, and the newspapers,--that moment we have settle the question. Men blame us for the bitterness of our language and the personality of
Parker Pillsbury (search for this): chapter 5
through the country of the great Hungarian; at the present state of the public mind,--it seems to me that no year, during the existence of the Society, has presented more encouraging aspects to the Abolitionists. The views which our friend (Parker Pillsbury) has just presented are those upon which, in our most sober calculation, we ought to rely. Give us time, and, as he said, talk is all-powerful. We are apt to feel ourselves overshadowed in the presence of colossal institutions. We are apis own soil; flung out as a weed upon the waters; nothing but his voice left;--and the Secretary of State must meet him. Now, let us see what he says of his rub-a-dub agitation, which consists of the voice only,--of the tongue, which our friend Pillsbury has described. This is that tongue which the impudent statesman declared, from the drunken steps of the Revere House, ought to be silenced,--this tongue, which was a rub-a-dub agitation to be despised, when he spoke to the farmers of New York.
Thomas Jefferson (search for this): chapter 5
g out of their minds,--to trouble the waters, that there may be health in their flow. Every government is always growing corrupt. Every Secretary of State is, by the very necessity of his position, an apostate. [Hisses and cheers.] I mean what I say. He is an enemy to the people, of necessity, because the moment he joins the government, he gravitates against that popular agitation which is the life of a republic. A republic is nothing but a constant overflow of lava. The principles of Jefferson are not up to the principles of today. It was well said of Webster, that he knows well the Hancock and Adams of 1776, but he does not know the Hancocks and Adamses of to-day The republic which sinks to sleep, trusting to constitutions and machinery, to politicians and statesmen, for the safety of its liberties, never will have any. The people are to be waked to a new effort, just as the Church has to be regenerated, in each age. The antislavery agitation is a necessity of each age, to ke
Horace Greeley (search for this): chapter 5
did more to dictate the decision of Chief Justice Shaw, than the Legislature that sat in the State-House, or the statute-book of Massachusetts. I mean what I say. The penny papers of New York do more to govern this country than the White House at Washington. Mr. Webster says we live under a government of laws. He was never more mistaken, even when he thought the antislavery agitation could be stopped. We live under a government of men-and morning newspapers. [Applause.] Bennett and Horace Greeley are more really Presidents of the United States than Millard Fillmore. Daniel Webster himself cannot even get a nomination. Why? Because, long ago, the ebbing tide of public opinion left him a wreck, stranded on the side of the popular current. We live under a government of men. The Constitution is nothing in South Carolina, but the black law is everything. The law that says the colored man shall sit in the jury-box in the city of Boston is nothing. Why? Because the Mayor and Ald
Statesman (search for this): chapter 5
aid, I fear three newspapers more than a hundred thousand bayonets. Mr. Webster now is of the same opinion. There is not a monarch on earth, he says, whose throne is not liable to be shaken by the progress of opinion and the sentiment of the just and intelligent part of the people. I thank thee, Jew! We have been told often, that it was nothing but a morbid sentiment that was opposed to the Fugitive Slave Bill,--it was a sentiment of morbid philanthropy. Grant it all. But take care, Mr. Statesman; cure or change it in time, else it will beat all your dead institutions to dust. Hearts and sentiments are alive, and we all know that the gentlest of Nature's growths or motions will, in time, burst asunder or wear away the proudest dead-weight man can heap upon them. If this be the power of the gentlest growth, let the stoutest heart tremble before the tornado of a people roused to terrible vengeance by the sight of long years of cowardly and merciless oppression, and oft-repeated
Daniel Webster (search for this): chapter 5
clogs of society. This view is one that Mr. Webster ridiculed in the depots of New York. The tere every tongue, every press, is a power. Mr. Webster, when he ridiculed in New York the agitatioers more than a hundred thousand bayonets. Mr. Webster now is of the same opinion. There is not asure, to base any argument on an opinion of Mr. Webster's. Like the chameleon, he takes his hue, onact; still, in the great result, you see what Webster tells us in his speech: Depend upon it, gentlook upon this speech as the most remarkable Mr. Webster has ever made on the antislavery agitation heaviest brain God ever gave to a single man. Webster, though he may gather into his own person theountry than the White House at Washington. Mr. Webster says we live under a government of laws. Howed us to be thinking, reading men, I learn, Webster being my witness, that there is no throne potthe principles of today. It was well said of Webster, that he knows well the Hancock and Adams of [4 more...]
Fisher Ames (search for this): chapter 5
t to that? No. Each year the patient industrious peasant gives so much time from the cultivation of his soil and the care of his children to stop the breaks and replace the willow which insects have eaten, that he may keep the land his fathers rescued from the water, and bid defiance to the waves that roar above his head, as if demanding back the broad fields man has stolen from their realm. Some men suppose that, in order to the people's governing themselves, it is only necessary, as Fisher Ames said, that the Rights of Man be printed, and that every citizen have a copy. As the Epicureans, two thousand years ago, imagined God a being who arranged this marvellous machinery, set it going, and then sunk to sleep. Republics exist only on the tenure of being constantly agitated. The antislavery agitation is an important, nay, an essential part of the machinery of the state. It is not a disease nor a medicine. No; it is the normal state,--the normal state of the nation. Never, to
1776 AD (search for this): chapter 5
g corrupt. Every Secretary of State is, by the very necessity of his position, an apostate. [Hisses and cheers.] I mean what I say. He is an enemy to the people, of necessity, because the moment he joins the government, he gravitates against that popular agitation which is the life of a republic. A republic is nothing but a constant overflow of lava. The principles of Jefferson are not up to the principles of today. It was well said of Webster, that he knows well the Hancock and Adams of 1776, but he does not know the Hancocks and Adamses of to-day The republic which sinks to sleep, trusting to constitutions and machinery, to politicians and statesmen, for the safety of its liberties, never will have any. The people are to be waked to a new effort, just as the Church has to be regenerated, in each age. The antislavery agitation is a necessity of each age, to keep ever on the alert this faithful vigilance, so constantly in danger of sleep. We must live like our Puritan fathers, w
1848 AD (search for this): chapter 5
test statesman will shine over your path, assuring you that out of this agitation, as sure as the sun shines at noonday, the future character of the American government will be formed. If we lived in England, if we lived in France, the philosophy of our movement might be different, for there stand accumulated wealth, hungry churches, and old nobles,--a class which popular agitation but slowly affects. To these public opinion is obliged to bow. We have seen, for instance, the agitation of 1848 in Europe, deep as it was, seemingly triumphant as it was for six months, retire, beaten, before the undisturbed foundations of the governments of the Continent. You recollect, no doubt, the tide of popular enthusiasm which rolled from the Bay of Biscay to the very feet of the Czar, and it seemed as if Europe was melted into one republic. Men thought the new generation had indeed come. We waited twelve months, and the turrets and towers of old institutions — the church, law, nobility, gove
1833 AD (search for this): chapter 5
of this idea, and I trust I could make it clear, which I fear I have not yet done. To my conviction, it is Gospel truth, that, instead of the antislavery agitation being an evil, or even the unwelcome cure of a disease in this government, the youngest child that lives may lay his hand on the youngest child that his gray hairs shall see, and say: The agitation was commenced when the Declaration of Independence was signed; it took its second tide when the Antislavery Declaration was signed in 1833,--a movement, not the cure, but the diet of a free people,--not the homeopathic or the allopathic dose to which a sick land has recourse, but the daily cold water and the simple bread, the daily diet and absolute necessity, the manna of a people wandering in the wilderness. There is no Canaan in politics. As health lies in labor, and there is no royal road to it but through toil, so there is no republican road to safety but in constant distrust. In distrust, said Demosthenes, are the nerve
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