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Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
st members,—Jenckes of Rhode Island, Eliot and Dawes of Massachusetts, Woodbridge of Vermont, Baker and Judd of Illinois, anday the five-twenties in coin, and replying to Butler of Massachusetts, and Pike of Maine, who had advocated the taxation of tttle taste for such discussions; and General Butler, of Massachusetts, a champion of the Ohio idea in the House, had encountet, R. A. Chapman, Chief-Justice of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, in a letter to Sumner, October 30, commended the speec I take up my pen to congratulate you and the Commonwealth of Massachusetts and the whole country upon your re-election to a spirited debate in the Senate on the question whether Massachusetts, having already in 1859 received the principal, was entison's call for the State militia. Maine, as a part of Massachusetts in 1812, was entitled to a share in the amount to be recovered; and Massachusetts had in advance appropriated her own share to the aid of the European and North American Railway, i
California (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
them, even if specie payments have not arrived. The more I reflect upon the situation, the more I feel the impossibility of any act of repudiation. And yet anything short of payment in coin is, I fear, in the nature of repudiation. I wish I could write more positively: you will see that I write frankly. So much do I trust to the public faith, that, although sometimes disturbed by adverse menaces, I cannot bring myself to believe that there is any real danger. My only sister, who is in California, has all her small means in five-twenties, but I have not counselled any change. I fear that this is a very unsatisfactory letter. Mr. Thornton Sir Edward Thornton, British minister. has arrived. We have exchanged calls without meeting. I hear him called amiable and interesting. I cannot cease to deplore the blow dealt at arbitration by the English government, through whose representative it was recognized at the Congress of Paris as the proper mode of deciding questions between nat
Preussen (search for this): chapter 10
for the correspondence with Great Britain concerning the recognition of rebel belligerency and depredations by the Alabama and other cruisers fitted out in that country. Both Seward and Sumner were desirous that Mr. Bemis should arrange the papers. To Lieber, March 28:— I think you will like the German treaty. To my mind it is essentially just. Concerning naturalized citizens emigrating from Germany. It embodies the claim originally made by Cass, and for a long time denied by Prussia. His claim represented high-water mark on this question in our country, and now Germany reaches this point. The treaty was carried, after debate, by thirty-nine to eight. The House passed at this session a bill concerning the rights of naturalized citizens. It came up for consideration late in January, and was voted upon April 20, 1868. N. P. Banks, chairman of the committee on foreign affairs, reported it, and led in the debate. He had been a conspicuous Know-Nothing, and was elect
Longwood (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
548. This speech had a wide circulation by publication in the leading New York journals. He had hoped to deliver some lectures to meet what he called his extravagances in house and pictures, but he reconsidered this purpose under the orders of his physician. He missed during this vacation his communings with Longfellow, now making his last journey in Europe. Other friends, however, were thoughtful. Amos A. Lawrence offered him, shortly after he arrived in Boston, a room in his house at Longwood; but this welcome was declined. In the autumn Mr. Lawrence brought guests together whom he thought would be most agreeable for the senator to meet at dinner, saving, in his note of invitation, The company shall not exceed the Muses in number; and though they may not be distinguished, they shall be all honest men. Rev. Samuel K. Lothrop, always liberal in thought and genial in personal relations, invited him to meet the Wednesday Club at his house. His colored friend, J. B. Smith, gave h
Dominican Republic (Dominican Republic) (search for this): chapter 10
on. He believed in the strength of the party, saw no necessity for a step which was a confession of its weakness and a reflection on its civil administrative patriotism, and predicted that such a programme, if carried out, would bring about its gradual disintegration. D. C. Forney, the narrator, believes that General Grant's knowledge of what took place,—probably obtained through Babcock, —planted in his mind a permanent dislike of the senator, which was revealed some years later in the San Domingo controversy. This account, which seems to be truthful, was, however, not given to the public till twenty-four years after the transaction, and is not corroborated by any other statements known to the writer. He took the best view of the General's qualities,—writing to Lieber, November 1: Grant will be our President, with infinite opportunities. I hope and believe he will be true to them. Sumner wrote to the Duchess of Argyll, July 28:— The duke's letter came to sustain the rep
G. Shaw Lefevre (search for this): chapter 10
the office; it must seek you. Three of Sumner's English friends died at this period,—Lord Cranworth, Lord Wensleydale, and the Duchess of Sutherland. he had become intimate with the two former on his visit to England as a youth, and with the duchess on his two later visits. Writing to the Duchess of Argyll, he referred to the many tombs which had opened for those to whom he had been attached. Among English travellers calling on him in this or the preceding year were John Morley, G. Shaw Lefevre, and Leslie Stephen. From his French acquaintance, M. Chevalier, came the expression of the wish that he would take the mission to France. Chevalier wrote concerning the proposed canal between the Atlantic and the Pacific, expressing his belief that the Nicaragua route was the only practicable one. The chief Act of the third session of the Fortieth Congress, Dec. 7, 1868, to March 4, 1869, was the passage of the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution, which ordained that the ri
Hayes (search for this): chapter 10
n on his honor. Conkling's expeditious retreat from Narragansett Pier is of a later date than that of this chapter. His subsequent quarrels with three Presidents (Hayes, Garfield, and Arthur), his melodramatic resignation as senator, and his abortive effort to obtain a re-election, have given him a place in the history of the time resistance to a third term for the Ex-President in 1880 was partly due to the fear that it would restore the New York senator to the power which he had lost under Hayes's Administration. At last, when he had resigned his seat abruptly to obtain a popular approval of himself and a condemnation of President Garfield, the Republicanns in the House, within a month before his death, were for the payment of the five-twenties in paper currency. and some Republican leaders in that section, notably Hayes and Garfield, remained always steadfast in favor of an honest payment of the public debt. Garfield spoke, July 15 and 21, maintaining the national obligation to
William E. Forster (search for this): chapter 10
und table. He was catholic in his relations with men, and his guests were of no one political class. Caleb Cushing was perhaps oftener with him than any one, and William Beach Lawrence, whenever he was in Washington, was invited. In February of his first winter in the house, Charles Dickens, whom he had first known in 1842, dined with him in company with Stanton, when one of the topics was the experience of Sumner and Stanton on the night of Mr. Lincoln's assassination. Feb. 2. 1868. Forster's Life of Dickens, vol. III. p 386: Dickens's Letters, vol. II. pp. 407, 410, 411. Mr. Storey's account of the conversation will be found in Chaplin's Life of Sumner, pp 413-416. Ladies were very rarely at his table,—only Mrs. Charles Eames, widow of his early friend, Mrs. J. E. Lodge, and Mrs. Claflin, who came with her husband. The Marquis de Cliambrun dined often with him, and few foreigners of distinction came to Washington without partaking of his hospitality. He would say to Schur
G. A. Townsend (search for this): chapter 10
4, Springfield Republican, March 17, 1874, by Miss A. L. Dawes (Haigha); Philadelphia Press, Sept. 5, 1871, by Mrs. A. L. Howard; New York Independent, June 1, 1871, and March 26, 1874, and Outlines of Men, Women, and Things, pp. 43-45, by Mrs. M C. Ames; New York World, Dec. 11. 1869: Boston Journal, March 23, 1874, by B. P. Poore; Boston Commonwealth, April 4.1868, by C. W. Slack: San Francisco Post, March 24, 1874, by R. J. Hinton; Chicago Tribune, March 20, 1871, and March. 1874, by G. A. Townsend (Gath); New York Tribune, April 5, 1891, by Mrs. Janet Chase Hoyt; Chaplin's Life of Sumner, pp. 471-479. In one corner, the one farthest from his chamber, was his desk, above which, on a shelf, were kept five books,—Harvey's Shakespeare and Hazlitt's Select British Poets (both bought with college prize-money), Roget's Thesaurus, fickey's Constitution, and the Rules and Usages of the Senate. On his desk, always littered with papers, lay a Bible, the gift of Mr. Seward's daughter. Th
Robert E. Lee (search for this): chapter 10
tion feel their necessity so much, that I hesitate. As the printing was beginning, he wrote to Longfellow:— The revision tempts me to great work, beyond my anticipation. I have filed and amended those two early volumes so that it would have been as easy to re-write. If I could throw them into the fire I would, and have an end of them; but since this is impossible, next to their destruction is a good edition revised and amended before I die. The enterprise was undertaken by Messrs. Lee and Shepard, of Boston. The prepration of the volumes occupied the senator's spare time for the remainder of his life; and it was unfinished at his death. His work comprehended changes of the text,–mostly verbal, but sometimes modifying the substance, —verification of authorities, notes explanatory of the occasion and circumstances, and extracts from public journals and his correspondence, sometimes, as in the case of the speech which preceded the assault in 1856, extended to great leng<
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