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George Bemis (search for this): chapter 51
. Already many look to war. B. F. B. told me recently that it must come, as the people never would give back, and everybody is profoundly convinced that England is equitably liable for several years of our war with its deaths and taxation. George Bemis writes me from Europe that he is disheartened, for he does not see any solution except that of war. I do; and I am not afraid of war, if our Administration will make England see and understand our case. This is no time to disown an authoritatt to nothing was known on it. No rule had been established; no rule is established now, unless the English precedent be accepted as a final expression of the law. This I think bad for the peace of the world, and for International Law. Talk with Mr. Bemis on the friendly character of that concern. He knows its history. I never saw Mr. Seward more like a caged tiger, or more profuse of oaths in every form that the English language supplies than when prancing about the room denouncing the Procla
Hasson (search for this): chapter 51
n, but it is evidence of Grant's strong feeling on the subject of the removal of Sheridan. headquarters armies of the United States. Washington, Aug. 26, 1867. To His Excellency, A. Johnson, President of the United States; Sir,—I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the following letter, to wit: Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C., Aug. 26, 1867. Sir,—In consequence of the unfavorable condition of the health of Major-General George H. Thomas, as reported to you in Surgeon Hasson's dispatch of the 21st instant, my order dated August 17, 1867, is hereby modified so as to assign Major-General Winfield S. Hancock to the command of the Fifth Military District, created by the Act of Congress passed March 2, 1867, and of the Military Department comprising the States of Louisiana and Texas. On being relieved from the command of the Department of the Missouri by Major-General P. H. Sheridan, Major-General Hancock will proceed directly to New Orleans, Louisiana, and ass
Forster (search for this): chapter 51
he Liberal party who criticise my silence on their services, have never read my speech, or like Forster, have forgotten it, so that they attribute to me what was not in it, or require in it what it c, not even those working-men, or Mr. Bright, who deserve so much and have always had my heart. Forster made this unworthy criticism at the same time he said that I complained of the upper classes, and then another taking up the statement of Forster, said that my indictment was against Belgravia, —when I indicted nobody but the British Government. Had the speech been read generally such absurdishould be much nearer a settlement. As for the recognition of belligerency being friendly, Mr. Forster leaves the House of Commons, rushes to the Commons Library, takes down Wheaton, and finds it e to their opinions, Mr. Gregory and Mr. Roebuck spoke in favor of the South. Mr. Bright and Mr. Forster in favor of the North. Surely when in the United States there was so large a body on the o
Gregory (search for this): chapter 51
erate States. （2.) The action of our Government in two instances. 1. The early recognition of the belligerent rights of the South. 2. Allowing the Alabama to get out of Liverpool. In the first place, as to the feeling in England. The article truly states that there was a great division of opinion in this country. London Society probably favored the South. The Country generally favored the North. Taking the members of the House of Commons who gave utterance to their opinions, Mr. Gregory and Mr. Roebuck spoke in favor of the South. Mr. Bright and Mr. Forster in favor of the North. Surely when in the United States there was so large a body on the other side, people in this country might, without bringing upon England the hostility of the people of the United States, hold different opinions as to the parties in the United States. Again, is it not unjust on the part of the people of the United States to find fault with the English people generally, and to complain of En
William Martin (search for this): chapter 51
death of Rawlins he was very desirous to enter Grant's Cabinet, and, as I was then returning to America, he commissioned me to say to the President that he would willingly resign his diplomatic position for the sake of a place in the United States Government. But Grant appointed Belknap. headquarters Army of the United States, Washington, D. C., Dec. 28, 1868. Hon. Anson Burlingame, Chinese Minister, &c., &c. my dear Sir,—General Grant directs me to write to you and say that Dr. Wm. Martin, Professor of International Law in the Imperial College of China, has inquired of him whether Brevet Major-General Emory Upton, an officer of the American army, would be a suitable person to instruct the Chinese army in our tactics. General Grant has recommended General Upton very warmly and highly, and desires me to write to you on the matter. General Upton is the author of the system of tactics now in use in our army; he is a young man, not more than thirty years old, who made a dist
Motley (search for this): chapter 51
and Respectfully, Your Obedient Servant, U. S. Grant. His Excellency, M. A. R. Rangabe, E. E. and M. Plenipotentiary, of His Majesty, the King of the Greeks. No. Eleven. Charles Sumner to General Badeau. This letter was written while Motley was Minister at London and I was Assistant-Secretary of Legation. It is interesting for the defense of Sumner's famous speech which it contains, and which he desired I should render to his English friends. For Sumner was always anxious about was against Belgravia, —when I indicted nobody but the British Government. Had the speech been read generally such absurdities could not have found a market. The honest sense of John Bull would have been indignant at the misrepresentation. Mr. Motley knows, you know, everybody who knows the least of me, how my soul has clung to John Bright for years and how it has throbbed in unison with him. To him and partners I give honor and praise perpetually. Little did I think, when without any see
Halleck (search for this): chapter 51
endeavor not to do them injustice. Conversations are rarely quoted correctly and in the case referred to by you I know could not have been, for I am made to say things which I never believed. For instance in regard to your want of ability to command in the presence of an enemy or in battle. I have always thought, and frequently expressed the opinion that in that precise case you would do as well as almost any General that could be selected. I did receive a telegraphic dispatch from Gen. Halleck, dated more than two weeks before the attack at Pittsburgh Landing, Tenn., from which or from the courier bringing it I gathered the idea saying that you were within four days march of Savannah, and would be up in that time. That dispatch was telegraphed to your care, if I remember rightly, and sent by you to me by courier. At all events, the dispatch came by way of Nashville to the Army commanded by you and thence to me by courier. This fact I may have mentioned and drawn the conclusi
Privy Seal (search for this): chapter 51
ecutive Mansion, after my return from England in 1869. Of course I understood that it was intended for the President, and showed it to Grant and the Secretary of State; and Lord Halifax told me afterward that this was what he had expected. The English view of the points at issue was hardly ever better stated, and the paper came with more force because its writer had been in the Government which had arrested the Rams; while its significance now is increased by the fact that he was also Lord Privy Seal in that which negotiated the Treaty of Washington. He died in 1886, full of years and honors. The article referred to was written by me and published both in England and America. In England, it was signed; but Lord Halifax had evidently not seen the foreign publication. Hickleton, April 22, 1870. dear General Badeau,—When I wrote to thank you for sending me a number of Harper's Magazine, I had not read the article in it on Our Relations with England. I do not know whethe
Edwin M. Stanton (search for this): chapter 51
1867. Sir,—I have received your communication of this date, and in compliance with your request, return herewith your letter of the 26th instant. Very Respectfully, and Truly Yours, Andrew Johnson. General U. S. Grant, Secretary of War, ad interim. No. Four. Edwin Booth to General Grant. This is the letter referred to in Chapter XIII, on Grant in the Cabinet. Barnum's Hotel, Baltimore, Sept. 11th, 1867. Genl. U. S. Grant, Sir,—Having once received a promise from Mr. Stanton that the family of John Wilkes Booth should be permitted to obtain the body when sufficient time had elapsed, I yielded to the entreaties of my mother and applied for it to the Secretary of War—I fear too soon, for the letter was unheeded if, indeed, it ever reached him. I now appeal to you on behalf of my heartbroken mother—that she may receive the remains of her son. You, sir, can understand what a consolation it would be to an aged parent to have the privilege of visiting the gr
Bright (search for this): chapter 51
he Liberal party, but with England, corporate England— represented by the Government. It was the acts of the Government that I called in question, and I did not step aside to censure Tories or to praise Liberals, not even those working-men, or Mr. Bright, who deserve so much and have always had my heart. Forster made this unworthy criticism at the same time he said that I complained of the upper classes, and then another taking up the statement of Forster, said that my indictment was against Bn in this country. London Society probably favored the South. The Country generally favored the North. Taking the members of the House of Commons who gave utterance to their opinions, Mr. Gregory and Mr. Roebuck spoke in favor of the South. Mr. Bright and Mr. Forster in favor of the North. Surely when in the United States there was so large a body on the other side, people in this country might, without bringing upon England the hostility of the people of the United States, hold different
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