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F. J. Hancock (search for this): chapter 1.8
siege of Petersburg was set on foot. The operations progressed with varying fortunes through the months of summer and autumn. Gradually the clasp of the besiegers grew closer and closer around the beleaguered army. There were some days of great glory for the Confederates. Longstreet held the north shore and the approaches to Richmond with a grip not to be shaken. Mahone and his division won fame in no scant measure at the Crater and on the Weldon road. Heth and Hampton broke through Hancock's ranks at Reams' Station and captured many prisoners, colors and guns. The cavalry wrought wonders on the flanks. But further and further westward crept that fateful left flank of the Federal army. It was badly punished in each extension, but every inch of ground that Warren gained he held. Dark days were upon us. The shadow of the inevitable was beginning to obscure the bow of hope. 'Twas as the winter fell that I first observed the deepened lines of care that not all the serenity
power to clothe your love and reverence for Robert Lee in adequate phrase—I have yet accepted your ed consort. Of Anne Carter, the mother of Robert Lee, no less than of Mary, the mother of Washinglares: For I knew that nothing could induce General Lee to deviate from the truth. Entering the f circumvallation were drawn at Petersburg, General Lee was constantly and consistently aggressive., with the swiftness of a practiced fencer, General Lee passed from the attitude of the assailed tono resemblance to any other attack delivered by Lee before or afterwards—for Malvern Hill, where Jaarrived for the rendering of that decision, General Lee was equal to it. Through no fault of his thity he possessed in so large a measure, gave Robert Lee pre-eminence among men who in any other compy Virginia matches him With the stately form of Lee. And here to-day, my countrymen, I tell you LeLee shall ride With that great rebel down the years— Twin rebels side by side! And confronting such a[23 more...
est, greatest, there was none like him, none! Whatever record leaps to light, his never shall be shamed! Truth walked beside him always, From his childhood's early years, Honor followed as his shadow, Valor lightened all his cares; And he rode—that grand Virginian— Last of all the Cavaliers! To resume for a moment the parallel previously drawn, I think that in the qualities of their military genius, Washington and Lee —I name them in the order of time—had many points in common. Fabius was not more adroit in defense than either, nor more dexterous in the husbanding of a small force against preponderent numbers. But the characteristic of both was pugnacity, and the campaigns of Lee in Virginia, as those of Washington in the Jerseys, were superb examples of what is technically known as the offensive-defensive. The vigilance of both was sleepless; both were acute in penetrating the designs and anticipating the movements of the enemy; neither ever willingly neglected an opp
h which Lee responded to a movement upon his flank of an overwhelming enemy, while at the same time another force nearly equal to his total strength was thundering in his rear, proved that from the very first he felt himself, despite the disparity in numbers, to be master of the situation. The only doubt he seems to have entertained after the first intelligence of Hooker's presence on the south side of the Rappahannock, was whether first to push Jackson against Sedgwick on the plains where Burnside met his crushing defeat. But his consideration of this plan was brief, though Jackson favored it, and instead he seized his right wing, as Swinton says, In the grasp of a Titan, and hurled it in reverse, as an athlete might have slung a stone, over field and forest, upon the one vulnerable spot in the strong formation of his foe. Wary he was, but not cautious, as General Doubleday says, nor shrinking from collision in the open field, as Humphreys intimates. I am inclined to think he wa
side of the Rappahannock, was whether first to push Jackson against Sedgwick on the plains where Burnside met his crushing defeat. But his consideration of this plan was brief, though Jackson favored it, and instead he seized his right wing, as Swinton says, In the grasp of a Titan, and hurled it in reverse, as an athlete might have slung a stone, over field and forest, upon the one vulnerable spot in the strong formation of his foe. Wary he was, but not cautious, as General Doubleday says, redoubled. True, the wonderful resources of his genius, the magnetic influence which tied men to him as with links of steel—the influence of his goodness as well as his greatness—and the elastic vitality of his army, Instinct to the last, says Swinton, with life and courage in every part—had sufficed so far to hold intact the works around Petersburg and Richmond, and to preserve insecure communication between these positions and their nearer bases of supplies; but in other sections of the cou<
George B. McClellan (search for this): chapter 1.8
idence in the hearts of the coldest. Even before we met the enemy under the direction of that steady eye, he was all in all to us. After the first trial, when McClellan had been driven to the plains of Berkeley, the army of Virginia pinned its faith to him with a tenacity which no subsequent disaster was able to shake. And thatnetrating the designs and anticipating the movements of the enemy; neither ever willingly neglected an opportunity to take the initiative. From the swoop upon McClellan's right, through the campaigns against Pope, in the battles of 1863, in his manner of meeting Grant's advance through the Wilderness, and even after lines of cirate armies could not afford to conduct a purely defensive warfare—if in strategy, not in tactics. His greatest successes were won by aggressive operations. So McClellan's grand army was pushed back upon its gunboats, the siege of Richmond raised, and an hundred thousand of the best troops of the Union paralyzed and neutralized,
Jubal A. Early (search for this): chapter 1.8
e of this trait is known to military history than that given at Chancellorsville, where, with the swiftness of a practiced fencer, General Lee passed from the attitude of the assailed to that of the assailant, ere his antagonist had time to realize the changed conditions. To find Lee in line of battle parallel to his lines of communication was the first surprise which disconcerted the Federal commander; but even then he never dreamed of the prescient boldness that was to amuse Sedgwick with Early's handful, hold his own front against Hooker's main force, with barely eleven thousand men, while Jackson, with two-thirds of the Confederate troops, was sent across the front and well to the right and rear of an army of ninety-two thousand muskets. Bold to rashness, says an eminent British critic, but redeemed from rashness by the knowledge of his adversary's infirmities of temperament, on which it was largely founded, and by the celerity and skill with which it was executed. The easy c
G. T. Beauregard (search for this): chapter 1.8
umber of men with which Lee had entered upon the campaign. Up to this time, including Smith's corps, Grant had received in reinforcements 51,000 muskets, Lee 14,000. These statistics are pregnant with testimony as to the skill of our commander and the efficient valor of his troops. But the end was not yet. Once in front of the historic town on the Appomattox—where for the first and only time in the game of strategy, the Federal general fairly stole a march upon his opponent—but where Beauregard with a brilliant audacity, not yet sufficiently recognized, defended the position against great odds until the lost time was repaired — the situation seemed to Grant or Meade to justify a renewal of those clashes of solid lines upon well-manned earthworks to which the Federal army had already sacrificed so many lives and so much morale. The result was disastrious as usual, and again the army and Northern public murmured at what they deemed a reckless expenditure of blood. And then the ta<
U. S. Grant (search for this): chapter 1.8
ement of one to whom falsehood was impossible. Of this General Grant bears emphatic witness in his dictated memoirs, where, inst Pope, in the battles of 1863, in his manner of meeting Grant's advance through the Wilderness, and even after lines of n any of the Union commanders with whom he measured swords, Grant being a possible exception. To the uninitiated his penetrament essentially was repeated in the following spring when Grant came southward of the river. Here again, instead of retirie, from the initial gun at the Wilderness to the passage of Grant's army to the south side of the James, Lee would deserve toon the campaign. Up to this time, including Smith's corps, Grant had received in reinforcements 51,000 muskets, Lee 14,000. until the lost time was repaired — the situation seemed to Grant or Meade to justify a renewal of those clashes of solid linvies thronging to swell the already overwhelming numbers of Grant's array. Each frozen morn told to the anxious eyes how sad
Wade Hampton (search for this): chapter 1.8
ere sent for, and the siege of Petersburg was set on foot. The operations progressed with varying fortunes through the months of summer and autumn. Gradually the clasp of the besiegers grew closer and closer around the beleaguered army. There were some days of great glory for the Confederates. Longstreet held the north shore and the approaches to Richmond with a grip not to be shaken. Mahone and his division won fame in no scant measure at the Crater and on the Weldon road. Heth and Hampton broke through Hancock's ranks at Reams' Station and captured many prisoners, colors and guns. The cavalry wrought wonders on the flanks. But further and further westward crept that fateful left flank of the Federal army. It was badly punished in each extension, but every inch of ground that Warren gained he held. Dark days were upon us. The shadow of the inevitable was beginning to obscure the bow of hope. 'Twas as the winter fell that I first observed the deepened lines of care that
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