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ament was co-extensive with Chap. XI} 1660 the English empire, but what territories the terms of the act included, they were interpreted to exclude the dominions not of the crown of England. Vaughan's Reports, 170. Compare Tyrwhit and Tyndale's Digest, XIII.—XV. Chalmers, p. 241, is not sustained n his inference. The tax was, also, never levied in the colonies; nor was it understood that the colonies were bound by a statute, unless they were expressly named. Blackstone, i. 107, 108; Chitty on Prerogative, 33. That distinctness was not wanting, when it was required by the interests of English merchants. The Navigation Act of the commonwealth had not been designed to trammel the commerce of the colonies, the convention parliament, the same body which betrayed the liberties of England, by restoring the Stuarts without conditions, now, by the most memorable statute 12 Charles II. c. XVII. in the English maritime code, connected in one act the protection of English shippin
eform in the law, and a diminution of the profits of the lawyers; the men, like Milton and Sidney, whose imagination delighted in pictures of Roman liberty, of Spartas no republic. Not sufficient advancement had been made in political knowledge Milton believed himself a friend of popular liberty; and yet his scheme of government,pose the enemies of royalty to increased indignation and contempt. In vain did Milton forebode that, of all governments, that of a restored king is the worst; nothin soul, honor and love them. one whom Roger Williams honored and loved, and whom Milton is supposed to include among Men whose life, learning, faith, and pure inte; but the bloom of immortality belongs to the example of Vane, to the poetry of Milton, and, let us hope, to the institutions of New England. To New England, the r Records, IV. 405, and XVIII. 188, 189. Clarendon MSS. in my possession. and Milton, Newton and Robert Boyle, Mr. Winthrop, my particular acquaintance. R. Boyle'
the Pequods, and by their own labor, which had redeemed the wilderness. A letter was also addressed from Connecticut 1661 to the aged Lord Say and Seal, See Trumbull, i. App. VII. VIII. IX. the early friend of the emigrants, and now, on the restoration, while it was yet the royal policy to conciliate the Presbyterians, a favas often been said, the ratio of the increase of population is the surest criterion of public happiness, Connecticut was long the happiest state in the world. Trumbull, i. 451, gives the number of inhabitants at 17,000, in 1713. There were, probably, as many as 17,000, and more, in 1688. Religion united with the pursuits of agced beside cattle; and in return for them but few foreign luxuries stole in. Even so late as 1713, the number of seamen did not exceed one hundred and twenty. Trumbull, i. 453. The soil had originally been justly divided, or held as common property in trust for the public, and for new comers. Forestalling was successfully resi
of Naseby, had ever enjoyed the confidence of Cromwell, and remained to the last an enemy to the Stuarts and a friend to the interests of the Independ- Chap XI.} 1660 July 27. ents,—and William Goffe, a firm friend to the family of Cromwell, Burton's Diary, i. 361. a good soldier, and an ardent partisan, but ignorant of the true principles of freedom,—arrived in Boston, where Endicot, the governor, received them with courtesy. For nearly a year, they resided unmolested within the limits of emoluments of his office as treasurer of the navy he voluntarily resigned. Macauley, v. 99. When the Presbyterians, though his adversaries, were forcibly excluded from the house of commons, he also absented himself. See Vane's Speeches, in Burton When the monarchy was overthrown, and a commonwealth attempted, Vane reluctantly filled a seat in the council; and, resuming his place as a legislator, amidst the floating wrecks of the English constitution, he clung to the existing parliament as
ted victims was Hugh Peters, once the minister of Salem, the father-in-law of the younger Winthrop; R. Williams to J. Winthrop, Jr., in Knowles, 310. You were the son of two noble fathers. Surely I did ever, from my soul, honor and love them. one whom Roger Williams honored and loved, and whom Milton is supposed to include among Men whose life, learning, faith, and pure intent, Would have been held in high esteem with Paul. As a preacher, his homely energy resembled the eloquence of Latimer and the earlier divines; in Salem he won general affection; he was ever zealous to advance the interests and quicken the industry of New England, and had assisted in founding the earliest college. His was the fanaticism of an ill-balanced mind, mastered by great ideas, which it imperfectly comprehends; and therefore he repelled monarchy and Episcopacy with excited passion. Though he was not himself a regicide, his zeal made him virtually an accomplice, by his influence over others. Eve
gant Burnet, i. 226, could have heard only the accounts of his enemies, which were caricatures. So perished a freeman of Massachusetts; the first who lost his life for opposition to monarchy Chap XI.} The blood of Massachusetts was destined to flow freely on the field of battle for the same cause; the streams were first opened beneath the gallows. See a favorable view of Peters m Upham's Second Century Lecture at Salem, 13—27, and Postscript. So, too, Felt's Annals of Salem, 132—151. Bentley, in Mass. Hist. Coll. VI. 250—254. London Monthly Repository, XIV. 525 and 602. Opposite opinions in nearly all the royalist writers The regicides, who had at nearly the same time been 1660 Oct. condemned to death, did not abate their confidence in their cause. Alone against a nation, pride of character blended with religious fervor and political enthusiasm Death under the horrid forms which a barbarous age had devised, and a barbarous jurisprudence still tolerated, they could meet<
Adam Smith (search for this): chapter 1
stry of this class grew up in America, they were added to the list. But such other commodities as the English merchant might not find convenient to buy, the American planter might ship to foreign markets; the farther off the better; Compare Adam Smith, b. IV. c. VII. p. III. because they would thus interfere less with the trades which were carried on in England. The colonists were, therefore, by a clause in the navigation act, confined to ports south of Cape Finisterre. Hardly had timeh parliament, as the instrument of mercantile avarice, had no scruple in commencing the legislation, which, when the colonists grew powerful, was, by the greatest British economist, declared to be a manifest violation of the rights of mankind. Smith's Wealth of Nations. Such was the disposition of the English parliament towards the colonies: the changes in their internal constitutions were to depend on the personal character of the monarch whom England had taken into favor. The tall a
tent to be the scoff of the proud, he had wisely acted upon the consciousness of his incompetency, and, in the bosom of private lift, remote from wars, from ambition, from power, he lived to extreme old age in the serene enjoyment of tranquil affections, and of a gentle and modest temper English politics went forward in their course. The council of officers, the revival of the inter- Chap. XI.} rupted Long Parliament, the intrigues of Fleetwood and Desborough, the transient elevation of Lambert, were but a series of unsuccessful attempts to defeat the wishes of the people. Every new effort was soon a failure; and each successive failure did but expose the enemies of royalty to increased indignation and contempt. In vain did Milton forebode that, of all governments, that of a restored king is the worst; nothing could long delay the restoration. The fanaticism which had made the revolution, had burnt out, and was now a spent volcano. Among the possible combinations of human char
Marston Moor (search for this): chapter 1
ttle With much hypocrisy, his camp was the scene of much real piety; and long afterwards, when his army was disbanded, its members, who, for the most part, were farmers and the sons of farmers, resumed their places among the industrious classes of society; while the soldiers of the royalists were often found in the ranks of vagabonds and beggars. It was the troops of Cromwell that first, in the open field, broke the ranks of the royal squadrons; and the decisive victory 1644. July 2. of Marston Moor was won by the iron energy and valor of the godly saints whom he had enlisted. The final overthrow of the prospects of Charles in 1647. the field, marks the crisis of the struggle for the ascendant between the Presbyterians and Independents. Chap XI.} The former party had its organ in the parliament, the latter in the army, in which the Presbyterian commander had been surprised into a resignation by the self-denying ordinance, and the intrigues of Cromwell. As the duration of the p
Henry Vane (search for this): chapter 1
the ability, and the conscientious purity of Henry Vane were unavailing. Had the life of Hampden behe better principles of the Independents was Henry Vane; but the acknowledged leader of the party wa carried away with eagerness for monarchy, Sir Henry Vane, the former governor of Massachusetts, they was overthrown, and a commonwealth attempted, Vane reluctantly filled a seat in the council; and, ed him to Carisbrook Castle. Both Cromwell and Vane were unsuccessful states- Chap XI.} men; the f for his life. Certainly, wrote the king, Sir Henry Vane is too dangerous a man to let live, if we him, said the king's counsel. Trial of Sir Henry Vane, 73. 55. The day before his execution,e averted. Why should we fear death? answered Vane; I find it rather shrinks from me, than I from The plebeian Hugh Peters had been hanged; Sir Henry Vane was to suffer on the bock. The same cheermong the noblest productions of the human mind; Vane proved how fearlessly it could bear testimony f[6 more...]
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