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Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 18
nd of the magnetic telegraph, and the Charleston Mercury is the other. New York statesmanship! Why, even in the lips of Seward, it is sealed, or half sealed, by considerations which take their rise in the canebrakes and cotton-fields of fifteen States. Break up this Union, and the ideas of South Carolina will have no more influence on Seward than those of Palmerston. The wishes of New Orleans would have no more influence on Chief Justice Bigelow than the wishes of London. The threat of Davis, Toombs, and Keitt will have no more influence on the Tribune than the thunders of the London Times or the hopes of the Chartists. Our Bancrofts will no longer write history with one eye fixed on Democratic success, nor our Websters invent laws of God to please Mr. Senator Douglas. We shall have as close connection, as much commerce; we shall still have a common language, a common faith, and common race, the same common social life; we shall intermarry just the same; we shall have steamers
Aikin (search for this): chapter 18
f wealth, $2,000,000,000,--the worth of the slaves in the Union,--so much capital drawing to it the sympathy of all other capital; 2d, of the artificial aristocracy created by the three-fifths slave basis of the Constitution; 3d, by the potent and baleful prejudice of color. The aristocracy of the Constitution! Where have you seen an aristocracy with half its power? You may take a small town here in New England, with a busy, active population of 2,500, and three or four such men as Governor Aikin, of South Carolina, riding leisurely to the polls, and throwing in their visiting-cards for ballots, will blot out the entire influence of that New England town in the Federal Government. That is your Republicanism Then, when you add to that the element of prejudice, which is concentrated in the epithet that spells negro with two gg's, you make the three-strand cable of the Slave Power,--the prejudice of race, the omnipotence of money, and the almost irresistible power of aristocracy.
Louis Napoleon (search for this): chapter 18
d the refuse of Europe, which the emigrant-trains bore by his house, for the salvation of the valley of the Mississippi. To-day, they see that very man kneeling to that Slave Power, and begging her to take all, but only consent to grant him such a Union, -Union with such a power! How, then, shall Kossuth answer, when Austria laughs him to scorn? Shall Europe see the slaveholder kick the reluctant and kneeling North out of such a Union? How, then, shall Garibaldi dare look in the face of Napoleon? If, therefore, it were only to honor self-government, to prove that it educates men, not pedlers and cowards, let us proclaim our faith that honest labor can stand alone; its own right hand amply able to earn its bread and defend its rights [applause]; and, if it were not so, our readiness at any cost to welcome disunion when it comes bringing freedom to four million of hapless slaves! [Applause.] What a sad comment on free institutions, that they have produced a South of tyrants, and a
James Otis (search for this): chapter 18
se.] For this, young men gave up their May of youth, and old men the honors and ease of age. It went through the land writing history afresh, setting up and pulling down parties, riving sects, mowing down colossal reputations, making us veil our faces in shame at the baseness of our youth's idols, sending bankrupt statesmen to dishonored graves. We stand to-day just as Hancock and Adams and Jefferson stood when stamp-act and tea-tax, Patrick Henry's eloquence and the massacre of March 5th, Otis's blood and Bunker Hill, had borne them to July, 1776. Suppose at that moment John Adams had cried out, Now let the people everywhere forget Independence, and remember only God save the King ! [Laughter.] The toil of a whole generation--thirty years--has been spent in examining this question of the rights and place of the negro; the whole earnest thought of the nation given to it; old parties have been wrecked against it, new ones grown out of it; it stifles all other questions; the great
Garibaldi (search for this): chapter 18
ncompromising hostility to slavery. Such an hostility — the irrepressible conflict of right and wrong — William H. Seward, in 1861, pronounces fearful! To describe the great conflict of the age, the first of American statesmen, in the year of Garibaldi and Italy, can find no epithet but fearful. The servile silence of the 7th of March, 1850, is outdone, and to New York Massachusetts yields the post of infamy which her great Senator has hitherto filled. Yes, of all the doctors bending overonly consent to grant him such a Union, -Union with such a power! How, then, shall Kossuth answer, when Austria laughs him to scorn? Shall Europe see the slaveholder kick the reluctant and kneeling North out of such a Union? How, then, shall Garibaldi dare look in the face of Napoleon? If, therefore, it were only to honor self-government, to prove that it educates men, not pedlers and cowards, let us proclaim our faith that honest labor can stand alone; its own right hand amply able to earn
Christian Americans (search for this): chapter 18
purpose. The nation agonizes this hour to recognize man as man, forgetting color, condition, sex, and creed. Our Revolution earned us only independence. Whatever our fathers meant, the chief lesson of that hour was that America belongs to Americans. That generation learned it thoroughly; the second inherited it as a prejudice; we, the third, have our bones and blood made of it. When thought passes through purpose into character, it becomes the unchangeable basis of national life. That Rand State, government and people, all classes, educated and uneducated,--all brought by the Slave Power, he said, to think slavery a blessing, and do anything to save it. So utter did he consider this demoralization, that he despaired of native Americans, and trusted to the hunted patriots and the refuse of Europe, which the emigrant-trains bore by his house, for the salvation of the valley of the Mississippi. To-day, they see that very man kneeling to that Slave Power, and begging her to take
Herod (search for this): chapter 18
music Hall, January 20, 1861,--a large part of the Hall and the avenue to it occupied by the mob. The office of the pulpit is to teach men their duty. Wherever men's thoughts influence their laws, it is the duty of the pulpit to preach politics. If it were possible to conceive of a community whose opinions had no influence on their government, there the pulpit would have no occasion to talk of government. I never heard or knew of such a community. Though sheltered by Roman despotism, Herod and the chief priests abstained from this and that because they feared the people. The Sultan dared to murder his Janizaries only when the streets came to hate them as much as he did. The Czar, at the head of a government whose constitution knows no check but poison and the dagger, yet feels the pressure of public opinion. Certainly, where pews are full of voters, no question but the sermon should be full of politics. The Lord reigneth; let the earth rejoice. The covenant with death i
Gushing (search for this): chapter 18
isruption of the Northern mind from all connection with it, all vassalage to it, immediately, would be a better, healthier, and more wholesome cure, than to let the Republican party exert this gradual influence through the power of the government for thirty or sixty years. We are seeking the best way to get rid of a great national evil. Mr. Seward's way is to take the Union as a fixed fact, and then educate politics up to a certain level. In that way we have to live, like Sinbad, with Gushing and Hillard and Hallett and O'Connor and Douglas, and men like them, on our shoulders, for the next thirty or forty years; with the Deweys and President Lords, and all that class of men,--and all this timid servility of the press, all this lack of virtue and manhood, all this corruption of the pulpit, all this fossil hunkerism, all this selling of the soul for a mess of pottage, is to linger, working in the body politic for thirty or forty years, and we are gradually to eliminate the diseas
Hancock (search for this): chapter 18
and Lovejoy died. For this, the bravest soul of the century went up to God from a Virginia scaffold. [Hisses and applause.] For this, young men gave up their May of youth, and old men the honors and ease of age. It went through the land writing history afresh, setting up and pulling down parties, riving sects, mowing down colossal reputations, making us veil our faces in shame at the baseness of our youth's idols, sending bankrupt statesmen to dishonored graves. We stand to-day just as Hancock and Adams and Jefferson stood when stamp-act and tea-tax, Patrick Henry's eloquence and the massacre of March 5th, Otis's blood and Bunker Hill, had borne them to July, 1776. Suppose at that moment John Adams had cried out, Now let the people everywhere forget Independence, and remember only God save the King ! [Laughter.] The toil of a whole generation--thirty years--has been spent in examining this question of the rights and place of the negro; the whole earnest thought of the nation g
George S. Hillard (search for this): chapter 18
the Northern mind from all connection with it, all vassalage to it, immediately, would be a better, healthier, and more wholesome cure, than to let the Republican party exert this gradual influence through the power of the government for thirty or sixty years. We are seeking the best way to get rid of a great national evil. Mr. Seward's way is to take the Union as a fixed fact, and then educate politics up to a certain level. In that way we have to live, like Sinbad, with Gushing and Hillard and Hallett and O'Connor and Douglas, and men like them, on our shoulders, for the next thirty or forty years; with the Deweys and President Lords, and all that class of men,--and all this timid servility of the press, all this lack of virtue and manhood, all this corruption of the pulpit, all this fossil hunkerism, all this selling of the soul for a mess of pottage, is to linger, working in the body politic for thirty or forty years, and we are gradually to eliminate the disease! What an
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