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. J. Sella Martin took the floor as temporary Chairman. He appointed a committee to appoint officerported a list, with Mr. Sanborn of Concord as Chairman. Mr. Martin announced him, as he had an entiany call for the nays, Mr. Fay assumes to be Chairman. There having been, then, in the eye of striFay walked to that platform and assumed to be Chairman, he announced himself the ringleader of a mob water, Mr. Fay says, This acknowledges me as Chairman! Profound logician, this Mr. Fay! A glass o had no officer, except its equally wonderful Chairman. Unburdening himself of his coat, he was not is a motion before the house. This vigilant Chairman waves the speaker aside, puts the motion to at! [Great laughter.] And then this adjourned Chairman of a dead Convention sits and listens half anth, takes his hat and vanishes,--this orderly Chairman! Common chairmen, before quitting their cout this opulent and magnanimous, Union-loving Chairman, [cheers and some hisses,] having announced t
y law, no motion,--for all the books lay it down that no motion can be made without addressing the chair, --there having been no motion, no seconding, no call for the nays, there being no announcement of the vote, either by the Chairman or by Mr. Anonymous, when Mr. Richard S. Fay walked to that platform and assumed to be Chairman, he announced himself the ringleader of a mob [applause, and one cry of No! ] by the strictest letter of parliamentary law. Journals which undertake to know, style hiand only one, who had no right to offer a resolution, and that was himself, on his own theory; for every boy knows, except this young cotton-clerk, that no presiding officer is entitled to offer a resolution. following, then, the example of Mr. Anonymous, who nominated him, he does not wait to have the resolutions seconded, he does not call for the nays, but he declares them carried. This could not have been fright, for although he was observed to tremble and grow pale when hundreds cried ou
Richard S. Fay (search for this): chapter 17
shall American slavery be abolished? Does Mr. Fay, or any one of his associates, dare to say, ink from having his name known, nominated Mr. Richard S. Fay as chairman [ Good! cheers and hisses],hout that, and without any call for the nays, Mr. Fay assumes to be Chairman. There having been, r.] Then somebody makes a motion to adjourn. Mr. Fay puts it. While he is doing so, Mr. Frederick hem, and we use them! Some men assert that Mr. Fay really came to that hall to put down free spe leadership of the House of Commons. Perhaps Mr. Fay thought he could do as much. After the kidn by the cloud that passes over him. But when Mr. Fay had housed himself in luxury and quiet, at ni those mangled men had died of his wounds, Richard S. Fay, in the sight of God and all honest men, ioor, when whoever reminds an audience that Richard S. Fay and Mayor Lincoln broke up an antislavery s defiance at the Union, amid the plaudits of Mr. Fay and his friends. What day was it? The anniv[8 more...]
Edmund Quincy (search for this): chapter 17
by a third-rate lawyer broken down to a cotton-clerk [hisses], borrowing consequence from married wealth,--not one who ever added a dollar, much less an idea, to the wealth of the city, not one able to give a reason or an excuse for the prejudice that is in him,--these are the men, this is the house of nobles, whose leave we are to ask before we speak and hold meetings. These are the men who tell us, the children of the Pilgrims, the representatives of Endicott and Winthrop, of Sewall and Quincy, of Hancock and Adams and Otis, what opinions we shall express, and what meetings we shall hold! These are the men who, the press tells us, being a majority, took rightful possession of the meeting of the 3d of December, [applause and cries of Good, ] and, without violating the right of free speech, organized it, and spoke the sober sense of Boston! I propose to examine the events of that morning, in order to see what idea our enlightened press entertain of the way in which gentlemen tak
J. Murray Howe (search for this): chapter 17
he could do as much. After the kid-gloved mobocrat had left the hall, Mr. Sanborn, quietly requesting the real friends of order to remain seated while the mob followed its leader, showed them that all their labor had been in vain. Then Mr. J. Murray Howe, without any flimsy veil of parliamentary pretext, a bully girdled by bullies, failing to excite any violent resistance, urged or incited the police to arrest all whom his followers struck, on the ground of removing the cause of the disturbad of the pack. But these other degenerate magistrates find here and there a predecessor to keep them in countenance; indeed, all the Mayors on the Atlantic coast are their models, with one or two noble exceptions. That mob which Messrs. Fay and Howe inaugurated spent the night among our colored citizens' dwellings, beating, kicking, and stabbing all whom they met. The police were on special duty in those streets in the night. The morning opened, the courts assembled, the magistrate took his
sion of the meeting of the 3d of December, [applause and cries of Good, ] and, without violating the right of free speech, organized it, and spoke the sober sense of Boston! I propose to examine the events of that morning, in order to see what idea our enlightened press entertain of the way in which gentlemen take possession of a meeting, and the fitness of those gentlemen to take possession of a meeting. On the 3d of December, certain gentlemen--Rev. J. Sella Martin, James Redpath, Mr. Eldridge, Mr. O'Connor, Mr. Le Barnes-hired the Temple for a Convention to assemble at their request. The circular which they issued a month before, in November, invited the leaders and representatives of all the antislavery bodies, and those who have done honor to their own souls by the advocacy of human freedom, to meet them in convention. Certainly the fops and the clerks of Boston could not come under that description. The notice published the day before proclaimed that the convention was n
s of this mob, and described the pitiful quality of their followers. You will ask me, How did such a mass influence the Mayor? I am sorry to say, that among that crowd were men influential by wealth and position, men seldom seen in an antislavery meeting, whose presence there at that unusual hour,--ten o'clock in the morning,--sitting in silence, was an encouragement to their personal friends, the mob. You may see, still looking down on Washington Street, the gilded names of Lawrence and Dickinson, and, side by side, the proud motto, The Union, the Constitution, the Enforcement of the Laws. [Cheers.] One of those names, which the city has hitherto loved to honor, was present in that crowd, in a class of meetings where he is seldom seen,--never at ten o'clock in the morning,--while his personal friends resisted, with the encouragement of his unusual presence, the enforcement of the most sacred of all laws, that of free speech. Need I explain any otherwise the servility of the Mayor
, and meet it, if anywhere, on the passage of its resolutions. In conformity with this custom, the Rev. J. Sella Martin took the floor as temporary Chairman. He appointed a committee to appoint officers. That committee reported a list, with Mr. Sanborn of Concord as Chairman. Mr. Martin announced him, as he had an entire, well-recognized right to do, for the Chairman of that meeting. But suppose the Convention chose to insist on its strict right, and to organize itself without regard to ol while his back was turned. Lord George Bentinck leaped from the sporting field and the race-course to the leadership of the House of Commons. Perhaps Mr. Fay thought he could do as much. After the kid-gloved mobocrat had left the hall, Mr. Sanborn, quietly requesting the real friends of order to remain seated while the mob followed its leader, showed them that all their labor had been in vain. Then Mr. J. Murray Howe, without any flimsy veil of parliamentary pretext, a bully girdled b
Daniel Webster (search for this): chapter 17
d the plaudits of Mr. Fay and his friends. What day was it? The anniversary of the martyrdom of the only man whose name stirs the pulses of Europe in this generation. [Derisive laughter.] English statesmen confess never to have read a line of Webster. You may name Seward in Munich and Vienna, in Pesth or in Naples, and vacant eyes will ask you, Who is he? But all Europe, the leaders and the masses, spoke by the lips of Victor Hugo, when he said, The death of Brown is more than Cain killingtion ! That attempt was announced before, from the steps of the Revere House. The unhappy statesman, defeated, heartbroken, sleeps by the solemn waves of the Atlantic. Contempsi Catilinae gladios, non tuos pertimescam. The half omnipotence of Webster we defied; who heeds this pedler's empty wind? How shall we prevent such insolent attempts for the future? Educate the future Fays more thoroughly. Teach them the distinction between duties and dollars. Plant deep in the heart of the masse
Bayard Taylor (search for this): chapter 17
Ambassador to England. Another has argued ably an india-rubber case,--send him to fade out in the Senate. Does a man fail utterly,--a bankrupt poet or office-seeker,--he edits a newspaper. We lack, entirely, discrimination. Because a man is entitled to draw upon us for fifty dollars, we put a thousand to his credit. That a man edits the Tribune so as to pay,--no very high order of talent,--is no proof that he knows better than other men who should be President of the United States. Bayard Taylor may be a genius and a traveller, without the least trace of patriotism or the least spark of a gentleman. A hundred years ago, you must have served an apprenticeship of seven years to make a shoe; now talk seven months on the right side, you may be Governor of a State. I said that, in spite of the heedlessness and good nature of this mistake, the rule that every man should be eligible to office is the best rule you can have. Our large measure of national success, in spite of this he
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