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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1. Search the whole document.

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Tully (search for this): chapter 17
us, they adjure us, to be faithful to our trust. They implore us, by the long trials of struggling humanity, by the awful secrets of the prison-house where the sons of Freedom have been immured, by the noble heads which have been brought to the block, by the eloquent ruins of nations, they conjure us not to quench the light that is rising on the world. Greece cries to us by the convulsed lips of her poisoned, dying Demosthenes, and Rome pleads with us in the mute persuasion of her mangled Tully. Let us listen to the grave and weighty words of the nephew of Charles James Fox, Lord Holland, in his protest when British Tories tried to stop the discussion of Catholic Emancipation,--words of which Macaulay says, They state a chief article of the political creed of the Whigs with singular clearness, brevity, and force. We are, Lord Holland says, well aware that the privileges of the people, the rights of free discussion, and the spirit and letter of our popular institutions, must
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 17
lived,--he lived to repent; and later services did endear his name to the Commonwealth. There is no evidence that our more recent Mayors know even enough to be ashamed. The men of that day lived to beg pardon of the very persons they had mobbed. All Boston glorified them that month; they walked State Street in pride. But you would think me cruel, to-day, if I gibbeted their names. The hour is near, it knocks at yonder door, when whoever reminds an audience that Richard S. Fay and Mayor Lincoln broke up an antislavery meeting will be considered, even by State Street and the Courier, bitter and uncharitable, [hisses,] as eminently unchristian, in reminding the disgraced and the forgotten of their sins. What was the meeting thus assailed? It was a meeting met to discuss slavery,--a topic which makes the republic tremble, the settlement of which is identical with the surviving of our government,--a topic upon which every press, every legislature, every magistrate, south of Mas
Jack Sheppard (search for this): chapter 17
ng held a session, addressed by the most hated of its speakers, expressing their opinions on slavery and the scene of the morning. The exact, literal truth is. that Mr. Richard S. Fay stole the Tremont Temple from those who had hired it. Let us hope he will pay his debts without going through court. Those men whom he fought can say they were never sued yet for any hall they had used; he cannot say as much to-day. Doubtless they intended to crush free speech; but do not let us dignify Jack Sheppard and Dickens's Fagin into Cromwells and Bonapartes. These mobocrats intended to be Cromwells. So did the two tailors who undertook to tear down the throne of George III., and issued the famous proclamation, We, the people of England. History does not record that they succeeded; neither did their imitators on the 3d of December. Still, these angry and misguided men incurred very grave responsibility. Stealing a hall is not very bad in men who hardly know what they are about. Violatin
White (search for this): chapter 17
education never fitted them,--a common mistake of American life. There are thousands among us engaged in mechanical routine whose souls have large grasp, and take in the universe. Critical hours unveil the lustre of such spirits. Our self-made men are the glory of our institutions. But this is a case of men undertaking to join in public debate and preside over public meetings, whose souls are actually absorbed in pricing calico and adding up columns of figures. It is a singular sight. White men, having enjoyed the best book education, to see them struggling with two colored men, whose only education was oppression and the antislavery enterprise! But in that contest of parliamentary skill, the two colored men never made a mistake, while every step of their opponents was folly upon folly. Of course, upon the great question of moral right, there is no comparison. History gives us no closer parallel than the French Convention of Lafayette and Mirabeau assailed by the fish-women
Tocqueville (search for this): chapter 17
ves these. But the harm is, that, while theoretically holding that no vote of the majority can authorize injustice, we practically consider public opinion the real test of what is true and what is false; and hence, as a result, the fact which Tocqueville has noticed, that practically our institutions protect, not the interests of the whole community, but the interests of the majority. Every man knows best how to manage his own affairs. Simple statement, perfectly sound; but we mix it up somconsequence is, that politics takes up with small men, men without grasp enough for large business; with leisure, therefore, on their hands; men popular because they have no positive opinions,--these are the men of politics. The result is, as Tocqueville has hinted, that our magistrates never have more education than we give to the mass, that they have no personal experience of their own. Such men do very well for ordinary occasions, when there is nothing to do. Common times only try common me
James Redpath (search for this): chapter 17
ightful possession of the meeting of the 3d of December, [applause and cries of Good, ] and, without violating the right of free speech, organized it, and spoke the sober sense of Boston! I propose to examine the events of that morning, in order to see what idea our enlightened press entertain of the way in which gentlemen take possession of a meeting, and the fitness of those gentlemen to take possession of a meeting. On the 3d of December, certain gentlemen--Rev. J. Sella Martin, James Redpath, Mr. Eldridge, Mr. O'Connor, Mr. Le Barnes-hired the Temple for a Convention to assemble at their request. The circular which they issued a month before, in November, invited the leaders and representatives of all the antislavery bodies, and those who have done honor to their own souls by the advocacy of human freedom, to meet them in convention. Certainly the fops and the clerks of Boston could not come under that description. The notice published the day before proclaimed that the c
George Bentinck (search for this): chapter 17
captains this schooner? called back, I undertook to captain her, but find it rather too much for me ;--so Mr. Fay undertook to captain a parliamentary mob, but found it rather too much for him. Being fully determined, however, to crush the Convention, and finding the quiet and trained friends of it able to outwit and out-general him, he took refuge in violence. He challenged his opponent to a duel, then knocked him over the head with the but of his pistol while his back was turned. Lord George Bentinck leaped from the sporting field and the race-course to the leadership of the House of Commons. Perhaps Mr. Fay thought he could do as much. After the kid-gloved mobocrat had left the hall, Mr. Sanborn, quietly requesting the real friends of order to remain seated while the mob followed its leader, showed them that all their labor had been in vain. Then Mr. J. Murray Howe, without any flimsy veil of parliamentary pretext, a bully girdled by bullies, failing to excite any violent r
James Otis (search for this): chapter 17
own to a cotton-clerk [hisses], borrowing consequence from married wealth,--not one who ever added a dollar, much less an idea, to the wealth of the city, not one able to give a reason or an excuse for the prejudice that is in him,--these are the men, this is the house of nobles, whose leave we are to ask before we speak and hold meetings. These are the men who tell us, the children of the Pilgrims, the representatives of Endicott and Winthrop, of Sewall and Quincy, of Hancock and Adams and Otis, what opinions we shall express, and what meetings we shall hold! These are the men who, the press tells us, being a majority, took rightful possession of the meeting of the 3d of December, [applause and cries of Good, ] and, without violating the right of free speech, organized it, and spoke the sober sense of Boston! I propose to examine the events of that morning, in order to see what idea our enlightened press entertain of the way in which gentlemen take possession of a meeting, and t
Victor Hugo (search for this): chapter 17
south of Mason and Dixon's line, flings defiance at the Union, amid the plaudits of Mr. Fay and his friends. What day was it? The anniversary of the martyrdom of the only man whose name stirs the pulses of Europe in this generation. [Derisive laughter.] English statesmen confess never to have read a line of Webster. You may name Seward in Munich and Vienna, in Pesth or in Naples, and vacant eyes will ask you, Who is he? But all Europe, the leaders and the masses, spoke by the lips of Victor Hugo, when he said, The death of Brown is more than Cain killing Abel; it is Washington slaying Spartacus. [Laughter from some parts of the hall, and from others applause.] What was the time of this meeting? An hour when our Senators and Representatives were vindicating the free speech of Massachusetts in Washington, in the face of armed men. Are we to surrender it in the streets at home, to the hucksters and fops of the Exchange? This day on which I speak, a year ago, those brave young
Wendell Phillips (search for this): chapter 17
eting in Music Hall. It having been rumored for several days previous, that Mr. Phillips was likely to be mobbed and assaulted, a large detachment of police was in ahateful, is only a gang of slaves. At the conclusion of the exercises, Mr. Phillips's friends flocked upon the platform to congratulate him. After a while, Mr. Mr. Phillips left the platform, accompanied by several friends, who were joined, in the lower entry, by some twenty in number. As the party emerged from the building to ith the Abolitionists! Bite his head off! All up! &c., and surged toward Mr. Phillips, with the manifest purpose of preventing his egress. In this, however, theyd followed by an immense throng of people, many of them, however, friends of Mr. Phillips, and determined to protect him from injury. No demonstrations of violence, aces expressing wonder and curiosity. Arrived at his house in Essex Street, Mr. Phillips entered, with a few of his friends, when three cheers were given by some of
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