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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. Search the whole document.

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March 7th (search for this): chapter 10
Southern Episcopal Bishop became a Confederate Major-General. Daniel Webster's incredible 7th of March speech, in Lib. 20.42, 43, 45. wholesale support of the Compromise, carried dismay to the Coof the South, the immoral thanks of the trader and the doughface. When he rose in his place on March 7 to break the word of promise to the hope of his eager constituency, the Fugitive Slave Bill wasup an amendment Lib. 20.100. providing for a trial by jury (which lay hid in his desk on the 7th of March), make this a sine qua non of his adhesion; or revolt at the effect given to the kidnapper's ted acknowledgments from Webster, which were so many supplements Lib. 20.62, 89, 121. to his 7th of March speech, coining fresh euphemisms for the shameful thing he invested with the sacred name of dWebster's phrase for fulfilling constitutional obligations (scilicet, slave-catching), in his 7th of March speech (Works, 5.355). the doctrines of the Manchester meeting. Men in Concord who, three mo
March (search for this): chapter 10
Forrest against his English rival Macready, on May 10, 1849, and the year 1850 opened with his trial for this Lib. 20.24. atrocity and his successful defence by John Van Buren. On February 16 he and his Club broke up an anti-Wilmot Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.20. Proviso meeting in New York—a seeming inconsistency, but it was charged against Rynders that he had offered Lib. 20.86. to give the State of New York to Clay in the election of 1844 for $30,000, and met with a reluctant refusal. In March he was arrested for a brutal assault on a gentleman Lib. 20.43. in a hotel, but the victim and the witnesses found it prudent not to appear against a ruffian who did not hesitate to threaten the district-attorney in open court. Meanwhile, the new Whig Administration quite justifiably discharged Rynders from the Custom-house, leaving him free to pose as a saviour of the Union against traitors—a saviour of society against blasphemers and infidels wherever encountered. There was a manifest d
February 16th (search for this): chapter 10
in 1844 secured him the friendly Lib. 15.55. patronage of the successful candidate for Vice-President, Geo. M. Dallas. and he took office as Weigher in the Custom-house of the metropolis. He found time, while thus employed, to engineer the Astor Place riot on behalf of the actor Edwin Forrest; Lib. 19.79. Forrest against his English rival Macready, on May 10, 1849, and the year 1850 opened with his trial for this Lib. 20.24. atrocity and his successful defence by John Van Buren. On February 16 he and his Club broke up an anti-Wilmot Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.20. Proviso meeting in New York—a seeming inconsistency, but it was charged against Rynders that he had offered Lib. 20.86. to give the State of New York to Clay in the election of 1844 for $30,000, and met with a reluctant refusal. In March he was arrested for a brutal assault on a gentleman Lib. 20.43. in a hotel, but the victim and the witnesses found it prudent not to appear against a ruffian who did not hesitate to t
January 23rd (search for this): chapter 10
ble than at Lib. 20.54. the time of its final passage. Its unwarranted extension of the Federal judiciary placed the liberty of every alleged fugitive at the mercy of any commissioner, clerk, or Lib. 20.54; cf. ante, p. 246. marshal of a Federal court, or Federal postmaster, or collector of customs, in the State where the seizure was made. The Expounder of the Constitution was prepared to support this iniquity to the fullest extent, Lib. 20.45. along with Senator Mason's amendments of January 23, J. M. Mason. affixing, not only to the rescue of an alleged fugitive, but Lib. 20.54. to the harboring or concealing of any such, a penalty of one thousand dollars fine and twelve months imprisonment (ultimately mitigated, as regards imprisonment, to Lib. 20.153. a term not exceeding six months); and denying the alleged fugitive all right to testify in his own defence. Nor did Webster, who, while yet undecided on which side to commit himself, had drawn up an amendment Lib. 20.100. p
January 15th (search for this): chapter 10
m stem to stern, laboring heavily on a storm-tossed sea, surrounded by clouds of disastrous portent, navigated by those whose object is a piratical one (namely, the extension and perpetuity of slavery), and destined to go down, full many a fathom deep, to the joy and exultation of all who are yearning for the deliverance of a groaning world.Zzz He had also drawn hostile attention to himself by a letter Lib. 20.6, 21, 25. to the mass convention of abolitionists held at Syracuse, N. Y., on January 15, of which the closing sentence read: I am for the abolition of slavery, therefore for the dissolution of the Union. Later, he drafted for himself and others a protest against the summary disposal of disunion Lib. 20.26, 30. petitions by the Massachusetts Legislature, alleging: （3.) That while your petitioners are subjected, by the Lib. 20.30. Constitution and laws of the United States, and therefore of this Commonwealth, to heavy fines for obeying the law of God, and refusing to d
January (search for this): chapter 10
the Constitution. . . . No public building, no, not even the streets, must be desecrated by such a proposed assemblage of traitors. As for one of the heralded orators for this Anniversary, the black Douglass, who, at the Syracuse Convention in January, Ante. p. 281. had invoked immediate disunion, and alleged that Washington, Jefferson, and Patrick Henry were strangers to any just idea of Liberty—This was uttered, says a contemporary, and no hand was raised to fell the speaker to the earth! ere, and to be repelled on the same ground that foreign paupers and criminals were excluded. Thompson's welcome, clearly, was to come, now as before, from the abolitionists alone. The Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society had extended theirs in January, Jan. 25, 1850; Lib. 20.19. on an intimation of his intention to arrive somewhat earlier than he did. They promptly arranged for a Lib. 20.178. reception in Faneuil Hall on November 15, and invitations to lecture on various topics began to po
26th (search for this): chapter 10
170, 178, 186. the National Reform Association for enlarging the political rights and improving the condition of the working classes? Noteworthy in this connection is a poster seen in the streets of Glasgow in November, 1850, which ran thus: Fugitive Slave Bill and manhood Suffrage.—A great public meeting of Working Men and others friendly to Slave Emancipation, and a just measure of Political Reform in the British House of Commons, will be held in the City Hall, on Tuesday evening, the 26th inst., when resolutions will be submitted condemnatory of Slavery and the Fugitive Slave Bill, recently become law in the United States, and also against an Exclusive Suffrage in this country. The order of topics recalls the subsequent attitude of the Lancashire cotton-operatives during our civil war—Freedom first for America, employment then for ourselves. See, for reports of the Glasgow meeting, with its appeal to the workingmen of America, Lib. 21: 5. Otis was dead and Sprague dumb; but all
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