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March 10th, 1873 AD (search for this): chapter 14
time when he appeared in politics was at the age of thirty-four in an Antislavery meeting in company with Garrison himself. Ante, vol. III. pp. 103, 104. One observer attributed Mr. Garrison's intemperate criticisms of the senator to a feeling of rivalry as to what shall be the verdict of history, and what is the estimation of contemporaries as to the historic figures in the Antislavery conflict. （Warrington's—W. S. Robinson's—Pen Portraits, pp. 366, 367.) The Springfield Republican, March 10, 1873, ascribed Mr. Garrison's comments on Sumner at this time, as well as his later action concerning the senator, to an unreasonable and unnecessary and very unfortunate jealousy. Of a different temper was Sumner in dealing with old coadjutors. He thus wrote to Whittier:— I have not read Mr. Garrison's letter. Some one said it was unkind, and I made up my mind at once not'to read it,—of course, never to answer it. I never allowed myself to have controversy with him in other days
March 30th, 1872 AD (search for this): chapter 14
te Democratic co-operation. There was an early mention of Greeley; but to sober-thinking people his candidacy seemed preposterous. Trumbull had many points in his favor as an able statesman; but unfortunately just then a charge—doubtless an unfounded one—that he had as a lawyer taken a fee in a matter connected with his public duties stood in the way of his selection. Sumner's name was one of those proposed. Wilkes presented it in his newspaper, The Spirit of the Times, Jan. 20 and March 30, 1872. and James M. Ashley was active in bringing it forward, making a visit to New England in the spring for the purpose. Bowles, Bird, and others thought that an open and distinct declaration of sympathy with the movement at an early stage would have placed him at its head. It is not likely—though an opinion on such a matter can be little better than conjecture—that he would have proved the best candidate. His character and fame would surely have attracted a large body of voters hitherto
March 1st, 1877 AD (search for this): chapter 14
on which called out a reply from him, May 29, 1875. New York Tribune, May 31, 1875. He declined a re-election, but there was in his letter an underlying tone of regret that such an announcement from him had been expected. The New York Tribune, June 1, went so far as to say of the letter, It has shown to all intelligent people his desire for a third term and his utter unfitness for it. Estimates of General Grant's character as a civil magistrate may be found in the New York Nation, March 1, 1877. Dec. 6, 1878, July 30, 1885 (by J. D. Cox); New York Evening Post, July 1, 1870; New York Tribune, Oct. 16, 30, 31, 1872, March 3, 1877. There being still a popular conviction that, notwithstanding his withdrawal, the general might yet be a candidate, the House of Representatives, Dec. 15, 1875, passed a resolution, by a vote of two hundred and thirty-three to eighteen, declaring that a departure from the time-honored custom [that of a President retiring after a second term] would be un
January 24th, 1871 AD (search for this): chapter 14
ngton's letter—written two months after the secretary's order to the French officer at Tours, who was charged with the duty of buying such materials—that he was still negotiating with our government for the purchase of arms and the manufacture of cartridges. Further, it appeared that Remington still continued to be in business relations with the officers of the ordnance bureau, at whose agency in New York the negotiations were carried on. Finally, on pressure from Schurz, the secretary (Jan. 24, 1871) stopped the sale of arms altogether. The Secretary of State, to whom Schurz applied, was opposed to the sale of arms to the belligerents. Naturalized citizens of German nativity were sensitive when the sale of arms to France by our government became known. Gustavus Koerner, of Illinois, directed Sumner's attention to the testimony in a French trial, which stated that such sales were taking place. Mr. Bancroft, our minister at Berlin, in a despatch, Jan. 7, 1871, also called attent
October 17th (search for this): chapter 14
lt that it was to be his last visit to Paris, and he made the most of his time, haunting the shops and the quais, and storing up old books, missals, manuscripts, bronzes, and china, which Mr. Cowdin assisted in forwarding. He wrote from Paris, October 17, to E. L. Pierce:— I have had much occasion latterly to meditate on the justice and friendship of this world, especially when crossed by the mandate of political power. I know the integrity of my conduct and the motives of my life. Nev, and who was afterwards offered the post of Secretary of State, Mr. Depew, as the anti-Grant candidate for lieutenant-governor of New York, made about forty addresses, the tenor of which may be found in the New York Tribune, Sept. 6, 20, 21; Oct. 17, 25; Nov. 3, 1872. What he said on the platform, and what Mr. Reid the editor said in his leaders, in the description of General Grant's personal and official qualities, was quite as severe as anything to be found in Sumner's treatment of the s
October 30th, 1872 AD (search for this): chapter 14
there was in his letter an underlying tone of regret that such an announcement from him had been expected. The New York Tribune, June 1, went so far as to say of the letter, It has shown to all intelligent people his desire for a third term and his utter unfitness for it. Estimates of General Grant's character as a civil magistrate may be found in the New York Nation, March 1, 1877. Dec. 6, 1878, July 30, 1885 (by J. D. Cox); New York Evening Post, July 1, 1870; New York Tribune, Oct. 16, 30, 31, 1872, March 3, 1877. There being still a popular conviction that, notwithstanding his withdrawal, the general might yet be a candidate, the House of Representatives, Dec. 15, 1875, passed a resolution, by a vote of two hundred and thirty-three to eighteen, declaring that a departure from the time-honored custom [that of a President retiring after a second term] would be unwise, unpatriotic, and fraught with peril to our free institutions. This ended the question of a third term in 1876;
October 31st, 1872 AD (search for this): chapter 14
was in his letter an underlying tone of regret that such an announcement from him had been expected. The New York Tribune, June 1, went so far as to say of the letter, It has shown to all intelligent people his desire for a third term and his utter unfitness for it. Estimates of General Grant's character as a civil magistrate may be found in the New York Nation, March 1, 1877. Dec. 6, 1878, July 30, 1885 (by J. D. Cox); New York Evening Post, July 1, 1870; New York Tribune, Oct. 16, 30, 31, 1872, March 3, 1877. There being still a popular conviction that, notwithstanding his withdrawal, the general might yet be a candidate, the House of Representatives, Dec. 15, 1875, passed a resolution, by a vote of two hundred and thirty-three to eighteen, declaring that a departure from the time-honored custom [that of a President retiring after a second term] would be unwise, unpatriotic, and fraught with peril to our free institutions. This ended the question of a third term in 1876; but it
March 21st, 1872 AD (search for this): chapter 14
blic indignation; but those having been disposed of, he turned upon the three senators with the same weapons. His pictures of them had the venom without the wit of caricature; and treating thieves and senators alike, he confounded moral distinctions. His representations of Schurz were the most open to censure, March 9, Mephistopheles. March 23, 30, as Iago. Justices Chase and Davis are caricatured April 6. though those of Sumner were hardly less reprehensible. New York Tribune, March 21, 1872. In his support of the French arms investigation he was made one of The Senatorial Cabal. In another—and this was perhaps a fair hit—he was Robinson Crusoe turning his back on his man Friday. In another, he was kneeling at and placing flowers on the grave of Preston S. Brooks, his assailant in 1856. This brought out a manly outburst from Sumner, who said when told of it, What have I to do with that poor creature? It was slavery, not he, who struck the blow! After his speech against
March, 1873 AD (search for this): chapter 14
ho believed in an entire separation of politics from patronage. General J. D. Cox resigned as Secretary of the Interior in November, 1870; and his resignation was accepted by the President with a tacit admission, as stated by General Cox in a letter to Sumner. Aug. 3, 1872, that he found it impolitic to sustain the secretary against the antagonism excited by his efforts for civil service reform. George William Curtis resigned from the civil service commission for a similar reason, in March, 1873. His arbitrary methods in attempting to acquire San Domingo and the removal of Sumner from the foreign relations committee as the sequel of his failure, entered largely into the discussion. One of the points made against him was his interference through the army with the governments and elections of the restored rebel States; but in this respect he had only done what Republicans generally had approved, and even demanded. His acts in this line in Louisiana during his second term were l
October 25th (search for this): chapter 14
in in high favor with the party which they then left. Among them, in New York, were Frank Hiscock, senator in Congress, Chauncey M. Depew, whose nomination was supported in 1888 by the Republicans of his State as a candidate for the Presidency, and who was afterwards offered the post of Secretary of State, Mr. Depew, as the anti-Grant candidate for lieutenant-governor of New York, made about forty addresses, the tenor of which may be found in the New York Tribune, Sept. 6, 20, 21; Oct. 17, 25; Nov. 3, 1872. What he said on the platform, and what Mr. Reid the editor said in his leaders, in the description of General Grant's personal and official qualities, was quite as severe as anything to be found in Sumner's treatment of the same subject. and Whitelaw Reid, minister to France, and Republican candidate for the Vice-Presidency in 1892; in Massachusetts, N. P. Banks, member of Congress, United States marshal and presidential elector, John D. Long, governor, and Albert E. Pillsbury,
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