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Browsing named entities in The Daily Dispatch: September 9, 1861., [Electronic resource].

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Picayune Butler (search for this): article 6
Movements of Gen. Butler. Boston, Sept. 6.--Gen. Picayune Butler is here, and will address at an early hour a Union meeting at Fanueil Hall. Movements of Gen. Butler. Boston, Sept. 6.--Gen. Picayune Butler is here, and will address at an early hour a Union meeting at Fanueil Hall.
June, 9 AD (search for this): article 6
Movements of Gen. Butler. Boston, Sept. 6.--Gen. Picayune Butler is here, and will address at an early hour a Union meeting at Fanueil Hall.
give us battle. We are certain to whip them if they attack us, and the North will then learn it can't at once overrun us as it fancied. The leaders will pause. There will be a reaction up there. We will work all the harder and all the better for our victory, drilling our men and consolidating our resources. The Northern cities will become discontented. Foreign nations will ask when the cotton ports are to be open. The North will have no reply. We shall be better able to fight in November than we shall be to fight in June. Every week's delay will add to the complications and weakness of the North, and the end of the year will find them further from their aim than ever — divisions in their councils, even disturbances in their populations, while we, inspired by the approach of success, will exhibit increasing energy and unanimity." A part of the programme has been already accomplished, but it does not follow that the remainder of the prophecy will be fulfilled with as much nic
An Englishman's views of the American war,Mr. Russell's letter to the London Times. Mr. Russell's last letter, published in the London Times August 20th,bears date at Washington, August 5th. The subjoined extracts embrace the principal portions of it: Secession policy. "Let us only hold on till October, and we are safe." That, or something like it, was said to me over and over again in the South by men why play no inconsiderable part in the mystery drama of the Confederates. And when I asked one of these gentlemen, more than two months ago, what chance there was of the North giving the South all that time, I was answered almost in these words: "We are bound to go to the assistance of Virginia. The whole of the Northern frontier abounds in good position, which can be fed by the rail from the South. The Abolitionists will come and give us battle. We are certain to whip them if they attack us, and the North will then learn it can't at once overrun us as it fancied. The
hip them if they attack us, and the North will then learn it can't at once overrun us as it fancied. The leaders will pause. There will be a reaction up there. We will work all the harder and all the better for our victory, drilling our men and consolidating our resources. The Northern cities will become discontented. Foreign nations will ask when the cotton ports are to be open. The North will have no reply. We shall be better able to fight in November than we shall be to fight in June. Every week's delay will add to the complications and weakness of the North, and the end of the year will find them further from their aim than ever — divisions in their councils, even disturbances in their populations, while we, inspired by the approach of success, will exhibit increasing energy and unanimity." A part of the programme has been already accomplished, but it does not follow that the remainder of the prophecy will be fulfilled with as much nicety — so far as the result of the ac
Jefferson Davis (search for this): article 7
erate Maryland and other afflicted portions of the slaveholding sisterhood. There may be a policy in this, and, not withstanding the growing opposition of one or two papers in the South to the men and measures of the war, the influence of Mr. Jefferson Davis is quite sufficient to induce the press to keep its peace or adopt any tone he may suggest in furtherance of the common cause. Reorganization on both sides. They can organize a transport corps in time. There are plenty of excelle it gave a heavy blow and great discouragement to the very spirit of the American system, by which men were placed in positions they had no fitness for, and large masses of armed men were assembled whom it were delusion to consider as an army. Mr. Davis saw the mischief long ago, and, by special act of Congress of the Confederate States at Montgomery, he seized the power of appointing officers. Discipline. It is hard to teach Americans discipline.--Their regular army has been for the
McClellan (search for this): article 7
t — wheel — quick march," and away went bottle, officer, and men. It would be very unfair to assert that such officers are common, and such practices usual. McClellan. That much can be done by the judicious exercise of authority in enforcing military rules and regulations among them, as among the rest of mankind, is conclusively shown by the great improvements effected in the army of Washington, and, above all, in the city itself, by young General McClellan, who bids fair to be the next President, if his success is at all commensurate with the enormous praise and flattery which, much, against his will, are forced down his throat. Before his nominatwhich I give entire, lest it might be said the words I have used exaggerate the condition of affairs at the period in question. [Here Mr. Russell quotes General McClellan's General Orders No, 2, prohibiting officers and men frequenting the Washington hotels, etc.] Col. Porter. Col. Porter, an active officer of the regu
ments? Certainly England has not by a word or deed within her borders exhibited trace of the passions attributed to her by many bitter enemies Great Britain. The reports industriously circulated in some American journals that Great Britain has demanded or solicited the establishment of a free port for the exit of cotton are untrue There is no foundation whatever for such statements, which are prepared by the same people who originate the stories of Admiral Milne's dispatches and views in reference to the blockade. The indifference to foreign politics which has marked the proceedings of the Congress has been a suitable commentary on the mode in which. affairs have been treated in Europe. Mr. Sumner was severely rebuked for alluding to the probable effects of the increase of the Morrill tariff on the sentiments of France and England; as if the Senate regarded such an allusion as a confession of weakness or an indecent introduction of an unsuitable element of consideration.
August 20th (search for this): article 7
An Englishman's views of the American war,Mr. Russell's letter to the London Times. Mr. Russell's last letter, published in the London Times August 20th,bears date at Washington, August 5th. The subjoined extracts embrace the principal portions of it: Secession policy. "Let us only hold on till October, and we are safe." That, or something like it, was said to me over and over again in the South by men why play no inconsiderable part in the mystery drama of the Confederates. And when I asked one of these gentlemen, more than two months ago, what chance there was of the North giving the South all that time, I was answered almost in these words: "We are bound to go to the assistance of Virginia. The whole of the Northern frontier abounds in good position, which can be fed by the rail from the South. The Abolitionists will come and give us battle. We are certain to whip them if they attack us, and the North will then learn it can't at once overrun us as it fancied. The
Americans (search for this): article 7
ed whom it were delusion to consider as an army. Mr. Davis saw the mischief long ago, and, by special act of Congress of the Confederate States at Montgomery, he seized the power of appointing officers. Discipline. It is hard to teach Americans discipline.--Their regular army has been for the most part composed of Germans and Irish. The people are averse to obedience in principle. Yesterday evening, as I was riding through Georgetown, I saw an officer "fall in" his men to go on somenot see how, out of the present conflict. I am not quite certain that the silence which has obtained in Europe in reference to the conflict will not soon be resented as an impertinence and an insulting affectation of indifference to that which Americans regard as the greatest contest that the world has ever seen. No one can be honestly indifferent to the results, for they must affect Europe just as any great disturbance in any State must produce an impression on the rest of the world. It is
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