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Browsing named entities in Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1..

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January 7th (search for this): chapter 9
imatum of the South; and Henry Winter Davis, of Maryland, proposed a resolution to request the several States to revise their statutes, to ascertain whether any of them were in conflict with the Fugitive Slave Act, and, if so, to repeal them forthwith. The consideration of reports and propositions concerning pacification occupied a large portion of the session, and nearly every debater in both Houses of Congress was engaged in the discussion. It was fairly opened in the Senate on the 7th of January, 1861. when Mr. Crittenden called up a resolution which he had offered on the 2d, to provide by law for submitting his proposed amendments to the Constitution to a vote of the people. He saw no chance for any agreement on the subject in Congress, and he perceived no other course for him to pursue than to make an appeal to the people. He earnestly desired to save the Union and prevent civil war. He felt that the danger to which the Republic was exposed was imminent, and he pleaded earn
December 24th (search for this): chapter 9
o demand the incorporating into the organic law of the nation of irrepealable, degrading, and humiliating concessions to the dark spirit of slavery. Speech in the National Senate, February 21, 1861. It was plainly perceived that Jefferson Davis, one of the most cold, crafty, malignant, and thoroughly unscrupulous of the conspirators, had embodied the spirit of Crittenden's most vital propositions in a more compact and perspicuous form, in a resolution offered in the Senate on the 24th of December, 1860. saying, That it shag be declared, by amendment of the Constitution, that property in slaves, recognized as such by the local law of any of the States of the Union, shall stand on the same footing, in all constitutional and Federal relations, as any other species of property so recognized; and, like other property, shall not be subject to be divested or impaired by the local law of any other State, either in escape thereto or by the transit or sojourn of the owner therein. And i
Jacob Thompson (search for this): chapter 9
page 221. was reconsidered and rejected, for the purpose of obtaining a direct vote on the original proposition. After a long debate, continuing until late in the small hours of Sunday morning, March 3, 1861. the Crittenden Compromise was finally rejected by a vote of twenty against nineteen. The vote was as follows:-- ayes.--Messrs. Bayard, Bright, Bigler, Crittenden, Douglas, Gwin, Hunter, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, Lane, Latham, Mason, Nicholson, Polk, Pugh, Rice, Sebastian, Thompson, Wigfall--19. noes.--Messrs. Anthony, Bingham, Chandler, Clarke, Dixon, Doolittle, Durkie, Fessenden, Foote, Foster, Grimes, Harlan, King. Morrill, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull. Wade, Wilkinson, Wilson--20. It might have been carried had the conspirators retained their seats. The question was then taken in the Senate on a resolution of the House of Representatives, to amend the Constitution so as to prohibit forever any amendment of that instrument interfering with slavery in any State.
Stephen A. Douglas (search for this): chapter 9
s held to service or labor by the laws of such State. Only Jefferson Davis and Robert Toombs voted against it. He then proposed that the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 should be so amended as to secure to the alleged fugitive a trial by jury. Stephen A. Douglas amended it so as to have the alleged fugitive sent for trial to the State from which he had escaped. This was voted down, the Republicans and Mr. Crittenden alone voting for it. Mr. Seward further proposed that Congress should pass an effi continuing until late in the small hours of Sunday morning, March 3, 1861. the Crittenden Compromise was finally rejected by a vote of twenty against nineteen. The vote was as follows:-- ayes.--Messrs. Bayard, Bright, Bigler, Crittenden, Douglas, Gwin, Hunter, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, Lane, Latham, Mason, Nicholson, Polk, Pugh, Rice, Sebastian, Thompson, Wigfall--19. noes.--Messrs. Anthony, Bingham, Chandler, Clarke, Dixon, Doolittle, Durkie, Fessenden, Foote, Foster, Grimes, H
John Sherman (search for this): chapter 9
e, as far as possible, the utmost moderation, forbearance, and conciliation. The speeches of Toombs, Hunter, and Seward were key-notes to all that. succeeded on the great topic of the hour. There were others of eminent ability, and worthy of careful preservation in the annals of the great Civil War, as exponents of the conflicting views entertained concerning the Government, its character, and its power. Charles Sumner, Henry Wilson, Benjamin F. Wade, and others in the Senate; and John Sherman, Charles Francis Adams, Thomas Corwin, and others in the House of Representatives, made powerful speeches against Mr. Crittenden's propositions, and in favor of universal freedom. One of the most remarkable passages in the great debate was the speech of Sherrard Clemens, of Western Virginia, who took such decided ground against the pretensions of the Oligarchy, that its representatives in Congress called him a traitor. With the most biting scorn, he thus referred to the conspirators in
James Buchanan (search for this): chapter 9
Chapter 9: proceedings in Congress.--departure of conspirators. Line between loyalists and disloyalists distinctly drawn conspirators in Congress, 216. the conspiracy revealed by a Southern man, 217. the people alarmed Unsatisfactory Message from President Buchanan, 218. position of the President General Wool's warning firmness of the Union men in Congress, 219. Jefferson Davis's proposition to amend the Constitution, 220. useless labors of the two great committees Senator Clark's proposition conspirators determined on disunion, 221. action of the Senate Committee of thirteen of the House Committee of thirty — three, 222. Debates on Crittenden's propositions Toombs declares himself a rebel, 224. Hunter's propositions, 225. Seward's position defined Union speeches, 226-227. final action on the Crittenden Compromise withdrawal of disloyal Senators, 228. seizure of arms in New York, 230. Slidell's last speech in the Senate, 231. Senator Benjamin's last s
John C. Fremont (search for this): chapter 9
a few days before he was prostrated by mortal disease, he declared that the disunionists had prostituted the Democratic party --that they had complete control of the Administration; that these conspirators would have broken up the Union, if Colonel Fremont had been elected; that the reason he opposed Fremont's election [he was his son-in-law] was, that he knew these men intended to destroy the Government, and he did not wish it to go in pieces in the hands of a member of his family. I expressFremont's election [he was his son-in-law] was, that he knew these men intended to destroy the Government, and he did not wish it to go in pieces in the hands of a member of his family. I expressed some doubt of the extent and power of such a conspiracy to dismember the Union or to seize the Government; to which he replied, that he knew their purposes to be a Southern Confederacy, for efforts were early made to enlist him in the wicked scheme; that so long as the people of the North should be content to attend to commerce and manufactures, and accept the policy and rule of the disunionists, they would condescend to remain in the Union; but should the Northern people attempt to exercise
Lewis Cass (search for this): chapter 9
h prophetic words, whose predictions were fulfilled a few weeks later, he said:--If, however, it should be surrendered to South Carolina, the smothered indignation of the Free States would be roused beyond control. It would not be in the power of any one to restrain it. In twenty days two hundred thousand men would be in readiness to take vengeance on all who would betray the Union into the hands of its enemies. Be assured that I do not exaggerate the feelings of the people. Letter to General Cass, dated Troy, December 31, 1860. The soldier, with a statesman's sagacity, correctly interpreted the will of that people. As the plot thickened, and the designs of the conspirators became more manifest, the loyal men in Congress were more firmly rooted in a determination to withstand the further aggressions of the Slave interest and the malice of the public enemies. This determination was specially apparent when the Crittenden Compromise, and other measures looking toward conciliation,
Jeremiah S. Black (search for this): chapter 9
termined patriot, to give him the means to stay its progress, he contented himself with offering insufficient reasons why he had not already done so, by re-enforcing and provisioning the garrison in Fort Sumter before it was too late, and also by urging Congress to submit to the demands of the revolutionists. In this the President acted consistently. He well knew that the political constitution of the two Houses at that time was such, that no Force-bill could be passed. Besides, Attorney-General Black had expressed his doubts whether Congress had the ability to find constitutional powers to furnish the President with authority to use military force See page 70. in the execution of the laws; and in view of the position which he had assumed in his Annual Message on the subject of coercion and subjugation of a State, See page 72. he would feel in conscience bound to veto any Force-bill looking to such action. He did not ask Congress for any more power, nor did he give a word
Simon Cameron (search for this): chapter 9
acticable, and therefore to the maintenance of the existing Union and Constitution should be directed all the energies of the Government and the efforts of all good citizens. Congressional Globe, January 9, 1861. This amendment, so thoroughly wise and patriotic, and so eminently necessary at that critical moment in averting the most appalling national danger, was adopted by a vote of twenty-five against twenty-three. The vote was as follows:--yeas, Messrs. Anthony, Baker, Bingham, Cameron, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foote, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, King, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, and Wilson. NAYs, Messrs. Bayard, Bigler, Bragg, Bright, Clingman, Crittenden, Fitch, Green, Gwin, Hunter, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, Lane of Oregon, Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, Polk, Powell, Pugh, Rice, Saulsbury, and Sebastian. The leading conspirators in the Senate, who might have defeated the amendment and carried th
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