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HAVING previously passed over the regions of ancient Italy as far as Metapontium, we must now proceed to describe the rest. After it Iapygia1 comes next in order; the Greeks call it Messapia, but the inhabitants, dividing it into cantons, call one the Salentini,2 that in the neighbourhood of the Cape3 Iapygia, and another the Calabri;4 above these towards the north lie the Peucetii,5 and those who are called Daunii6 in the Greek language, but the inhabitants call the whole region beyond the Calabri, Apulia. Some of these people are called Pœdicli,7 especially the Peucetii. Messapia forms a peninsula; the isthmus extending from Brentesium8 to Tarentum, which bounds it, being 310 stadia, and the circumnavigation round the Iapygian promontory9 about [one thousand]10 four hundred. [Tarentum11] is distant from Metapontium12 about two hundred and twenty13] stadia. The course to it by sea runs in an easterly direction. The Gulf of Tarentum is for the most part destitute of a port, but here there is a spacious and commodious [harbour14], closed in by a great bridge. It is 100 stadia15 in circuit. This port, at the head of its basin which recedes most inland, forms, with the exterior sea, an isthmus which connects the peninsula with the land. The city is situated upon this peninsula. The neck of land is so low that ships are easily hauled over it from either side. The site of the city likewise is extremely low; the ground, however, rises slightly towards the citadel. The old wall of the city has an immense circuit, but now the portion towards the isthmus is deserted, but that standing near the mouth of the harbour, where the citadel is situated, still subsists, and contains a considerable city. It possesses a noble gymnasium and a spacious forum, in which there is set up a brazen colossus of Jupiter, the largest that ever was, with the exception of that of Rhodes. The citadel is situated between the forum and the entrance of the harbour, it still preserves some slight relics of its ancient magnificence and gifts, but the chief of them were destroyed either by the Carthaginians16 when they took the city, or by the Romans17 when they took it by force and sacked it. Amongst other booty taken on this occasion18 was the brazen colossus of Hercules, the work of Lysippus, now in the Capitol, which was dedicated as an offering by Fabius Maximus, who took the city. [2]

Antiochus, speaking of the foundation of this city, says that after the Messenian war19 such of the Lacedæmonians as did not join the army were sentenced to be slaves, and denominated Helots; and that such as were born during the period of the war they termed Partheniæ, and decreed to be base: but these not bearing the reproach, (for they were many,) conspired against the free citizens,20 but the chief magistrates, becoming acquainted with the existence of the plot, employed certain persons, who, by feigning friendship to the cause, should be able to give some intelligence of the nature of it. Of this number was Phalanthus, who was apparently the chief leader of them, but who was not quite pleased with those who had been named to conduct their deliberations.21 It was agreed that at the Hyacinthine games, celebrated in the temple of Amyclæ, just at the conclusion of the contest, and when Phalanthus should put on his helmet,22 they should make a simultaneous attack. The free citizens23 were distinguishable from others by their hair. They, having been secretly warned as to the arrangements made for the signal of Phalanthus, just as the chief contest came off, a herald came forward and proclaimed, ‘Let not Phalanthus put on his helmet.’ The conspirators perceiving that the plot was disclosed, some fled, and others supplicated mercy. When the chief magistrates had bid them not to fear, they committed them to prison, but sent Phalanthus to inquire after a new settlement. He received from the oracle the following response, “‘To thee Satyrium24 I have given, and the rich country of Tarentum to inhabit, and thou shalt become a scourge to the Iapygians.’” The Partheniæ accordingly accompanied Phalanthus to their destination, and the barbarians and Cretans,25 who already possessed the country, received them kindly. They say that these Cretans were the party who sailed with Minos to Sicily, and that after his death, which took place at Camici,26 in the palace of Cocalus, they took ship and set sail from Sicily, but in their voyage they were cast by tempest on this coast, some of whom, afterwards coasting the Adriatic on foot, reached Macedonia, and were called Bottiæi.27 They further add, that all the people who reach as far as Daunia were called Iapygians, from Iapyx, who was born to Dædalus by a Cretan woman, and became a chief leader of the Cretans. The city Tarentum was named from a certain hero.28 [3]

Ephorus gives the following account of the foundation. The Lacedæmonians waged war against the Messenians, who had murdered their king, Teleclus,29 when he visited Messene to offer sacrifice. They took an oath that they would not return home before they had destroyed Messene, or should be all slain. They left only the youngest and oldest of the citi- zens to keep their own country. After this, in the tenth [year] of the war, the Lacedæmonian matrons assembled and deputed certain women to remonstrate with the citizens, and show them that they were carrying on the war with the Messenians on very disadvantageous terms, for they, abiding in their own country, procreated children, while the Lacedæmonians, leaving their wives in a state like widowhood, remained away in the war; and to expose the great peril there was of the depopulation of their country. The Lacedæmonians, being both desirous of observing their oath, and taking into consideration the representations of their wives, sent a deputation of the most vigorous, and, at the same time, most juvenile of the army, whom they considered, in a manner, not to have participated in the oath, because they had been but children when they accompanied their elders to the war, and charged them all to company with all the maidens, reckoning that by that means they would bear the more children; which having been accordingly obeyed, the children who were born were denominated Partheniæ. Messene was taken after a war of nineteen years, as Tyrtæus says, “ The fathers of our fathers, armed for war,
Possessing ever patient courage, fought at Messene
For nineteen years with unremitting toil.
Till on the twentieth, leaving their rich soil,
The enemy forsook the towering heights of Ithome.30

Thus then did they destroy Messenia, but returning home, they neglected to honour the Partheniæ like other youths, and treated them as though they had been born out of wedlock. The Partheniæ, leaguing with the Helots, conspired against the Lacedæmonians, and agreed to raise a Laconic felt hat31 in the market-place as a signal for the commencement of hostilities. Some of the Helots betrayed the plot, but the government found it difficult to resist them by force, for they were many, and all unanimous, and looked upon each other as brothers; those in authority therefore commanded such as were appointed to raise the signal, to depart out of the market-place; when they therefore perceived that their plot was disclosed they desisted, and the Lacedæmonians persuaded them, through the instrumentality of their fathers, to leave the country and colonize: and advised them, if they should get possession of a convenient place, to abide in it, but if not, they promised that a fifth part of Messenia should be divided amongst them on their return. So they departed and found the Greeks carrying on hostilities against the barbarians, and taking part in the perils of the war, they obtained possession of Tarentum, which they colonized. [4]

At one time, when the government of the Tarentines had assumed a democratic form, they rose to great importance; for they possessed the greatest fleet of any state in those parts, and could bring into the field an army of 30,000 foot and 3000 horse, exclusive of a select body of 1000 cavalry called Hipparchi.32 They likewise encouraged the Pythagorean philosophy, and Archytas, who for a long time presided over the government of their state, gave it his special support.33 But at a later period their luxury, which was produced by their prosperity, increased to that degree that their general holidays or festivals exceeded in number the days of the year; and hence arose an inefficient government, and as one proof of their un- statesmanlike acts we may adduce their employment of foreign generals; for they sent for Alexander,34 king of the Molossi, to come and assist them against the Messapii and Leucani. They had before that employed Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus;35 afterwards they called in Cleonymus36 and Agathocles,37 and later, when they rose against the Romans, Pyrrhus.38 They were not able even to retain the respect of those whom they had invited, but rather merited their disgust. Alexander [of Epirus] was so displeased with them that lie endeavoured to remove the seat of the general council of the Greek states in Italy, which was accustomed to assemble at Heraclea, a city of the Tarentines, to a city of the Thurii; and he commanded that some place on the river Acalandrus,39 commodious for their meetings, should be properly fortified for their reception.—And indeed they say that the misfortune40 of that prince was chiefly due to a want of good feeling on their part. They were deprived of their liberty during the wars41 of Hannibal, but have since received a Roman colony,42 and now live in peace and are in a more prosperous state than ever. They also engaged in war with the Messapii concerning Heraclea, when they counted the kings of the Daunii and of the Peucetii as allies.43 [5]

The remainder of the country of the Iapygii is very fair, notwithstanding unfavourable appearances; for although, for the most part, it appears rugged, yet when it is broken up the soil is found to be deep; and although it lacks water, yet it appears well-suited for pasture, and is furnished with trees. At one time it was thickly inhabited throughout its whole extent, and possessed thirteen cities, but now it is so depopulated that, with the exception of Tarentum and Brentesium,44 they only deserve the name of hamlets. They say that the Salentini are a colony of Cretans. Here is the temple of Minerva,45 which formerly was rich, and the rock called Acra Iapygia,46 which juts out far into the sea towards the rising of the sun in winter,47 and turning, as it were, towards Cape Lacinium, which lies opposite to it on the west, it closes the entrance of the Gulf of Tarentum, as on the other side, the Ceraunian Mountains, together with the said Cape, close the entrance of the Ionian Gulf, the run across is about 700 stadia from that,48 both to the Ceraunian Mountains and to Cape Lacinium.49 In coasting along the shore from Tarentum to Brentesium there are 600 stadia as far as the little city of Baris, which is at the present time called Veretum,50 and is situated on the extremities of the Salentine territory; the approach to it from Tarentum is much easier on foot51 than by sea. Thence to Leuca are 80 stadia; this too is but a small village, in which there is shown a well of fetid water, and the legend runs, that when Hercules drove out the last of the giants from Phlegra in Campania, who were called Leuternians, some fled and were buried here, and that from their blood a spring issues to supply the well; on this account likewise the coast is called the Leuternian coast.52 From Leuca to Hydrus,53 a small town, 150 stadia. From thence to Brentesium 400, and the like distance also [from Hydrus] to the island Saso,54 which is situated almost in the midst of the course from Epirus to Brentesium; and therefore when vessels are unable to obtain a direct passage they run to the left from Saso to Hydrus, and thence watching for a favourable wind they steer towards the haven of Brentesium, or the passengers disembarking proceed on foot by a shorter way through Rudiæ, a Grecian city, where the poet Ennius was born.55 The district which we have followed by sea from Tarentum to Brentesium is like a peninsula. The road by land from Brentesium to Tarentum is but a day's journey for a light person on foot, it constitutes the isthmus of the said peninsula, which people in general call Messapia, lapygia, Calabria, or Salentinum, without being at all particular; but some, as we have said before, do make a distinction. Thus have we described the towns on the sea-coast. [6]

In the inland are Rudiæ and Lupiæ, and at a short distance from the sea Aletia;56 about the middle of the isthmus is Uria,57 in which is still shown the palace of a certain famous nobleman.58 As Hyria59 is described by Herodotus as situated in Iapygia, and as founded by the Cretans who strayed from the fleet of Minos while sailing to Sicily;60 we must suppose that he meant either this place [Uria] or Veretum. It is said that a colony of Cretans settled in Brentesium,61 but the tradition varies; some say they were those who came with Theseus from Cnossus;62 others, that they were some out of Sicily who had come with Iapyx; they agree however in saying that they did not abide there, but went thence to Bottiæa. At a later period, when the state was under the government of a monarch, it lost a large portion of its territories, which was taken by the Lacedæmonians who came over under Phalanthus; notwithstanding this the Brundusians received him when he was expelled from Tarentum, and honoured him with a splendid tomb at his death. They possess a district of superior fertility to that of the Tarentines; for its soil is light, still it is fruitful, and its honey and wools are amongst the most esteemed; further, the harbour of Brentesium is superior to that of Tarentum, for many havens are protected by the single entrance,63 and rendered perfectly smooth, many bays [or reaches] being formed within it, so that it resembles in fashion the antlers of a stag, whence its name, for the place, together with the city, is exceedingly like the head of a stag, and in the Messapian language the stag's head is called Brentesium; while the port of Tarentum is not entirely safe, both on account of its lying very open, and of certain shallows near its head. [7]

Further, the course for passengers from Greece and Asia is most direct to Brentesium, and in fact all who are journeying to Rome disembark here. Hence there are two ways to Rome; one, which is only walked by mules, through the Peucetii, who are called Pœdicli, the Daunii, and the Samnites, as far as Beneventum, on which road is the city Egnatia,64 then Celia,65 Netium,66 Canusium,67 and Herdonia.68

1 A note in the French translation observes, that the Iapygia of Strabo was confined to the peninsula of Tarentum.

2 The Sallentini, or Salentini, cannot be distinguished with accuracy from the Calabri, as the name is used by several writers in a very ex tensive sense, and applied to the greater part of Iapygia.

3 Capo di Leuca.

4 The district occupied by the Calabri seems to have been that maritime part of the Iapygian peninsula extending from the ancient Brundusium to the city of Hydruntum, answering nearly to what is now called Terra di Lecce.

5 Dionysius of Halicarnassus derives the name of this people from Peucetius, son of Lycaon, king of Arcadia, but they are generally spoken of in history as barbarians, differing in no essential respect from the Daunii, Iapyges, and other neighbouring nations.

6 A note in the French translation remarks, that Strabo would have done well to add, ‘and also the Apuli properly so called.’ If we follow Strabo's testimony solely, we may almost describe the bounds of the Peucetii by four lines, viz. 1. From Tarentum to Brindisi. 2. Along the sea-shore from Brindisi to Bari. 3. From Bari to Garagnone or Gorgoglione, the ancient Sylvium, if not even still nearer to Venosa. 4. From Garagnone to Tarentum, constituting what is called in modern geography Terra di Bari.–The following are the limits of the Dannii. 1. From Garagnone to Bari. 2. From Bari to Peschici or to Rodi. 3. Thence to Lucera; and, 4 from Lucera to Garagnone. Thus they occupied a great part of La Puglia, with a portion of the Terra di Bari. With regard to those who, according to Strabo, were properly Apuli, they extended from the neighbourhood of Lucera to Rodi or Peschici, thence to the mouth of the river Fortore, thence to Civitate, (the ancient Teanum Apulum,) which was included, and from Civitate to Lucera; this district would answer to the northern portion of La Puglia, which the Fortore separates from La Capitanata.

7 The name of Pœdiculi was given to the inhabitants of that portion of Peucetia which was more particularly situated on the coast between the Aufidus and the confines of the Calabri. Pliny (iii. 11) states that this particular tribe derived their origin from Illyria.

8 Brindisi.

9 Capo di Leuca.

10 We have followed Groskurd's example in introducing this thousand. The French translators thought it too hardy to venture, and Kramer was fearful to insert it in his text, but he approves of it in his notes.

11 Manuscripts here have blanks.

12 Ruins near Torre a Mare.

13 Manuscripts here have blanks.

14 Mare-piccolo.

15 Or twelve miles and a half. This computation does not agree with modern measurements, which reckon the circuit at sixteen miles. See Swinburne's Travels, torn. i. sect. 32. Gagliardi, Topogr. di Taranto.

16 In the year 213 or 212 B. C.

17 B. C. 209.

18 It is said the pictures and statues taken on this occasion were nearly as numerous as those found at Syracuse.

19 That which commenced about 743 B. C.

20 I have here translated τοῖς τοῦ δήμου and οἱ τοῦ δήμου by ‘free citizens.’ Several notes have been written on the exact meaning of the words, but I am not satisfied that we understand it properly. It might perhaps mean those appointed to the chief rule of the state by the constitution.

21 There is little doubt that this passage is corrupt.

22 κυνέη, a leathern cap or hat, a helmet, &c. See also page 426.

23 I have here translated τοῖς τοῦ δήμου and οἱ τοῦ δήμου by ‘free citizens.’ Several notes have been written on the exact meaning of the words, but I am not satisfied that we understand it properly. It might perhaps mean those appointed to the chief rule of the state by the constitution.

24 About eight miles to the east or south-east of Taranto, upon the coast, we find a place named Saturo. In this place the country open to the south presents the most agreeable aspect. Sheltered from the north wind, and watered by numerous running streams, it produces the choicest fruits, oranges, citrons, lemons, pomegranates, figs, and all manner of garden produce, with which Taranto is abundantly supplied. Ant. de Ferrar. Galat. de sit. Iapyg. edit. nell. Raccolt. d' Opusc. sc. et philol. tom. vii. p. 80.

25 Mazoch. Prod. ad Heracl. pseph. diatr. ii. cap. 4, sect. 4, page 96, not. 51, considers that we should not make a distinction between these barbarians and Cretans, but that they were identical.

26 According to Sicilian topographers, Camici was the same as the citadel of Acragas [Girgenti].—Cluvier, Sic. Ant. lib. ii. cap. 15, p. 207, is of opinion that Camici occupied the site of Siculiana, on the Fiume delle Canne. D'Anville, Géogr. Anc. tom. i. p. 219, and tom. iii. p. 146, seems to locate Camici at Platanella, on the Fiume di Platani.

27 There are various readings of this name.

28 There is a tradition that Taras was born to Neptune by Satyræa, daughter of Minos.

29 About 745 B. C.

30 Statius, lib. 4, Theb., thus mentions Ithome,

Planaque Messena, montanaque nutrit Ithome.

Statius, lib. 4, Theb.

31 πῖλος λακωνικός.

32 See Heyne, Opusc. Acad. tom. ii. p. 223, not. h.

33 He is said to have entertained Plato during his sojourn here. Archytas flourished about the commencement of the fourth century B. C., and was still living in the year 349 B. C.

34 About 332 or 339 B. C. See Heyn. Opusc. Acad. tom. ii. p. 141.

35 About 338 B. C.

36 About 303 B. C.

37 About 330 B. C.

38 About 281 B. C.

39 Cramer, in his Ancient Italy, has very justly remarked that the name of the small river Calandro, which discharges itself into the sea a little below Capo di Roseto, bears some affinity to the river Acalandrus mentioned by Strabo. However, some have thought it identical with the Salandrella and the Fiume di Roseto, while Cluverius was of opinion that we should here read κυλίσταρνος instead of ᾿ακάλανδρος, and identify it with the modern Racanello.

40 326 B. C.

41 209 B. C.

42 124 B. C.

43 Some suspect this last sentence to be an interpolation; certain it is that there is great difficulty in finding a time to correspond with all the circumstances contained in it. According to M. Heyne, this war must have taken place 474 B. C., but then Heraclea was not founded till 436 B. C. It seems too that the people of Iapygia had kings as late as 480 B. C.

44 Brundusium, now Brindisi.

45 Castro. This temple is now changed into the church of Sancta Maria in finibus terra. See Capmart. de Chaupy, tom. iii. page 529.

46 Capo di Leuca. Pliny, lib. iii. cap. 11, says, Inde promontorium quod Acran Iapygian vocant, quo longissime in maria procurrit Italia. The Promontorium Iapygium, or Sallentinum, presented a conspicuous landmark to mariners sailing from Greece to Sicily. The fleets of Athens, after passing the Peloponnesus, are represented on this passage as usually making for Corcyra, from whence they steered straight across to the promontory, and then coasted along the south of Italy for the remainder of the voyage.

47 The south-east.

48 The Acra Iapygia.

49 See notes to page 393 of this translation.

50 Cramer remarks that Veretum is still represented by the old church of S. Maria di Vereto.

51 That is, on land.

52 Scylax, Peripl. p. 5, speaks of the Leuterni as a really existing people.

53 Now Otranto. Lucan, book v. verse 374, speaking of the little river Idro which runs close to Otranto, says,

“ Et cunctas revocare rates, quas avius Hydrûs,
Antiquusque Taras, secretaque litora Leucæ.
Quas recipit Salapina palus, et subdita Sipus

Lucan, v.374
And Cicero, writing of the town to Tyro, book xvi. epistle 9, says of his voyage from Cassiope, Inde Austro lenissimo, cœlo sereno, nocte illa et die postero in Italiam ad Hydruntem ludibundi pervenimus. This place was called Hydruntum by Pliny and other authors.

54 Now Saseno, distant 35 minutes from Otranto.

55 B. C. 239.

56 We have followed Kramer's text in calling this place Aletia, several MSS. read Salepia. Cramer, in his description of Ancient Italy, vol ii. p. 316, says, Aletium is naturally supposed to have occupied the site of the church of S. Maria della Lizza.—It was called ᾿αλήτιον by Ptolemy.

57 We have followed Kramer's reading; some MSS. have θυοͅέαι, some θυοͅαῖαι, &c.

58 lit. of a certain one of the nobles.

59 ούοͅαῖαι, MSS., but a note in the French translation explains that Strabo was quoting Herodotus from memory. We follow Kramer.

60 B. C. 1353.

61 Brindisi.

62 About B. C. 1323.

63 Great changes have taken place in this locality since Strabo's description was drawn.

64 Torre d' Agnazzo.

65 Ceglie, south of Bari.

66 Now Noja; but the identity of this place has been much canvassed.

67 Canosa.

68 Now Ordona, about twelve miles to the east of Æca, now Troja. Livy records the defeat of the Roman forces at this place in two successive years. Hannibal removed the inhabitants and fired the town, (Livy xxvii. 1,) but it was subsequently repaired, and is noticed by Frontinus as Ardona. Ptolemy and Silius Italicus, viii. 568, mention it as Herdonia— “ . . . . . . . . . quosque
Obscura inculsis Herdonia misit ab agris.

” That through Tarentum is a little to the left, it runs about a day's journey round for one traversing the whole distance; it is called the Appian Way, and is more of a carriage road than the other. On it stands the city Uria,68 and Venusia;69 the one [Uria] between Tarentum and Brentesium, the other on the confines of the Samnites and Lucani. Both the roads from Brentesium run into one near Beneventum and Campania, and thence to Rome it receives the name of Appian, and runs through Caudium,70 Calatia,71 Capua,72 and Casilinum,73 to Sinuessa.74 The way from thence to Rome has been already described.—The whole length of the Appian Way from Rome to Brentesium is 360 miles. There is a third way from Rhegium, through the Bruttii, Lucani, and Samnites, along the chain of the Apennines, into Campania, where it joins the Appian Way;75 it is longer than those from Brentesium by about three or four days' journey. [8]

From Brentesium the sea is traversed by two passages to the opposite coast, one crossing to the Ceraunian76 Mountains and the adjacent coasts of the Epirus and Greece, the other to Epidamnus,77 which is the longer78 of the two, being 180079 stadia. Still this is habitually traversed, on account of the situation of the city [Epidamnus] being convenient for the nations of Illyria and Macedonia. As we coast along the shore of the Adriatic from Brentesium we come to the city Egnatia,80 it is the general place to stop at for those travelling to Barium,81 as well by land as by sea. The run is made when the wind blows from the south. The territory of the Peucetii extends as far as this along the coast, in the interior of the land it reaches as far as Silvium.82 It is throughout rugged and mountainous, and chiefly occupied by the Apennine mountains. It is thought to have been colonized by a party of Arcadians. The distance from Brentesium to Barium is about 700 stadia. [Tarentum] is about equally distant from both.83 The Daunii inhabit the adjoining district, then the Apuli as far as the Phrentani. As the inhabitants of the district, except in ancient times, have never been particular in speaking of the Peucetii or Daunii precisely, and as the whole of this country is now called Apulia, the boundaries of these nations are necessarily but ill defined: wherefore we ourselves shall not be very exact in treating of them. [9]

From Barium to the river Ofanto,84 on which the Canu- sitæ have established an emporium, there are 40085 stadia. The course up the river to the emporium is 90 [stadia]. Near it is Salapia,86 the port of the Argyrippeni. For the two cities, Canusium and Argyrippa, are situated at no great distance from the sea, and in the midst of a plain; at one time they were the most important cities of the Greeks of Italy, as is manifest from the circumference of their walls, but now they have fallen off. One of them was originally called Argos Hippium, then Argyrippa, and then again Arpi. They are said to have been both founded by Diomed, and both the plain of Diomed and many other things are shown in these districts as evidence of his having possessed them. Such were the ancient offerings in the temple of Minerva, at Luceria.87 That was an ancient city of the Daunii, but now it is of no account. Again, in the neighbouring sea there are two islands called the Diomedean islands, one of which is inhabited, but the other, they say, is desert: in the latter it is fabled that Diomed disappeared from the earth, and that his companions were transformed into birds,88 and indeed the fable goes so far as to prolong their race to the present time, saying that they are tame, and lead a sort of human life, both in respect of food, and their readiness to approach men of gentle manners, and to shun the evil and wanton. We have already noticed89 what is currently reported amongst the Heneti concerning this hero [Diomed] and the honours decreed to him by custom. It is thought also that Sipus90 was a settlement founded by Diomed, it is distant from Salapia about 140 stadia, and was called by the Greeks Sepius, from the numbers of cuttle fish91 thrown up by the sea along its shore. Between Salapia and Sipus is a navigable river, and a considerable estuary; by both of these channels the merchandise, and wheat especially, of Sipus is conveyed to the sea. Two heroa or shrines are shown on a hill of Daunia, called Drium, one on the very brow of the hill sacred to Calchas, those who are about to inquire of the oracle offer a black ram to him, and sleep upon the fleece, the other below near the foot of the hill is dedicated to Podalirius, it is about a hundred stadia distant from the sea; from this hill also flows a stream,92 which is a potent cure for all manner of diseases among cattle.93 The promontory of Garganum94 running into the sea, juts out from this bay about 300 stadia.95 As you turn the point you perceive the town of Urium,96 while off the headland are seen the Diomedean islands. All this coast produces everything in great abundance, it is exceedingly well adapted for horses and sheep, and the wool is finer than that of Tarentum, but less glossy. The district is mild on account of the cup-like situation of the plains. There are some who report that Diomed attempted to cut a canal to the sea, but being sent for to return home, where he died, left it incomplete, as well as other undertakings. This is one account of him: another makes him abide here till the end of his days; a third is the fable I have already noticed, that he vanished in the island [of Teutria], and one might reckon as a fourth that of the Heneti,97 for they somehow make out that he finished his career among them, as they assert his apotheosis. The distances I have thus given are laid down in accordance with those of Artemidorus. [10]

The chorographer indeed gives only 165 miles from Brentesium98 to Garganum, but Artemidorus makes then more.99 Thence to Ancona, the first says there are 254 miles, whilst Artemidorus has given but 1250 stadia to the Fiumesino,100 near to Ancona, which is much shorter. Polybius says that from Iapygia the distance has been laid down in miles, and that there are 562 miles thence to the town of Sila,101 thence to Aquileia 178. These geographers do not agree as to the length to be assigned to the line of the sea-coast of Illyria, run from the Ceraunian Mountains102 to the head103 of the Adriatic, some of them stating it to be above 6000 [stadia], and making it longer than the opposite coast [of Italy], while it is much shorter.104 Indeed they all generally differ among themselves in stating distances, as we often have occasion to remark. Wherever it is possible to discriminate we set forth what appears to us to be correct, but where it is impossible to come to any safe conclusion we think it our duty to publish their several assertions. However, when we have no data furnished by them, it must not be wondered at, if we should leave some points untouched in treating of such and so vast a subject as we have undertaken. We would not indeed omit any of the important particulars, but trifling circumstances, even when they are noted, are of little advantage, and when taken no heed of, are not missed, nor does their omission at all impair the whole work, or, if it does, at most not much. [11]

Immediately beyond the Garganum comes a deep bay.105 Those who dwell round it call themselves Apuli,106 they speak the same language as the Daunii and Peucetii, and at the present time resemble them in every other particular; however it is likely that they were formerly distinct, since their names completely differ from those of the others. In ancient times the whole of this country was flourishing, but Hannibal and the wars which subsequently occurred have wasted it. Here too was fought the battle of Cannæ, where there was so great a slaughter of the Roman forces and their allies.107 Near this gulf there is a lake,108 and above the lake in the interior is the Apulian Teanum,109 having a like name with that of the Sidicini.110 It is between this and the neighbourhood of Dicæ- archia111 that the breadth of Italy is so contracted as to form an isthmus of less than 1000 stadia from sea to sea.112 Leaving the lake we sail next to Buca,113 and the country of the Frentani. There are 200 stadia from the lake both to Buca and to the Garganum. The remainder of the towns in the vicinity of Buca have been before described.114

69 Oria.

70 Venosa.

71 Paolisi.

72 Le Galazze

73 S. Maria di Capoa.

74 Capoa Nova.

75 Monte Dragone, or Mondragone.

76 At Capua, now S. Maria di Capua.

77 Eustathius explains that those mountains were called Ceraunian from the frequent falling of thunderbolts upon them. τά κεοͅαύνια ὄοͅη, οὕτω καλούμενα διὰ τὸ συχνοὺς ἐκεῖ πίπτειν κεοͅαυνούς.

78 Durazzo.

79 It seems as if some words had been skipped in this place, for we should expect to have the distance of the other passage to the Ceraunian Mountains, but Strabo no where mentions it.

80 M. Gossellin seems to think we should here read 800 and not 1800 stadia; but Kramer reckons it improbable. Groskurd concurs essentially with the opinion of M. Gossellin, and translates it something as follows ‘for it is 1000, while the former is 800 stadia across.’

81 Now Torre d' Agnazzo.

82 Bari.

83 Silvium was situated on the Appian Way. Holstenius and Pratilli agree in fixing its position at Garagnone, about 15 miles to the south-west of Venosa. Holsten. Adnot. p. 281. Pratilli, Via Appia, 1. iv. c. 7.

84 About 310 stadia.

85 The Aufidus, celebrated by Horace, Od. iv. 9, “ Ne forte credas interitura, quæ
     Longe sonantem natus ad Aufidum,
Non ante vulgatas per artes
     Verba loquor socianda chordis.

86 M. Gossellin considers this rather too much, and supposes 315 stadia would be nearer the truth.

87 Ruins now called Salpi.

88 Now Lucera.

89 See book v. c. 1, § 9, p. 320. Ptolemy makes these five which is the number of the isles of Tremiti at present, if we include in the group three barren rocks, which scarce deserve the name of islands. One was called Diomedea by Pliny, and Tremitus by Tacitus, who states that Augustus appointed it as the prison of his grand-daughter Julia; the second was called Teutria. The largest is at present called Isola San Domino, the other Isola San Nicolo.

90 Book v. c. i. § 9, p. 320.

91 Siponto, a place in ruins near Manfredonia.

92 Sestini describes a gold coin belonging to this city, on which the emblem of a cuttle fish in Greek, σηπία, is apparent. The legend is σιπο. Sestini descrizione d' una Med. p. 16.

93 Lycophron calls this stream by the name of Althænus.

94 Groskurd is of opinion that some words to the following effect have been accidentally lost from this place, viz. ‘The coast of Daunia forms an extensive bay about these parts.’

95 Now Punta di Viesti. Strabo seems to have considered the whole of the extensive neck of land lying between the bay of Rodi and that of Manfredonia, as the Garganum Promontorium. Lucan, v. 380, thus describes its prominence, “ Apulus Hadriacas exit Garganus in undas.

96 About 37 miles towards the east.

97 Rodi.

98 See <*> v. c. l. § 9, p. 320.

99 Brindisi.

100 M. Gossellin gives a long note to show that the chorographer and Artemidorus were both correct in the distances they gave, but asserts that Strabo was mistaken as to the length of the stadium used by Artemidorus, and consequently thought he saw a discrepancy between their accounts.

101 The ancient Æsis.

102 We think, with Kramer, that Sena Gallica, now Sinigaglia, was the city Strabo intends.

103 From the Capo della Linguetta, on the coast of Albania.

104 The town of Aquileia.

105 M. Gossellin suggests that Strabo omitted the coast of Istria in his calculations, when he made this observation on the length of the Illyrian shore, and refers to what Strabo will himself state in book vii. chap. v. sections 3, 4, and 9, and to his estimate of 6150 stadia from the Ceraunian Mountains to Iapygia in book ii. chap. iv. § 3, p. 159.

106 Doubtless the bight between the, shore, adjacent to Peschioi, to the north of Viesti, and the Punta d' Asinella.

107 A note in the French translation observes that the Apuli, properly so called, could but have occupied the shore of half this bay, for the Fortore falls into it just about the centre, which river was a common boundary between the Apuli and Frentani.

108 B. C. 216.

109 Cramer says, the lake which Strabo speaks of as being near Teanum, but without mentioning its name, is called by Pliny Lacus Pontanus, (iii. 11,) now Lago di Lesina.

110 The city of Teanum stood on the right bank of the Fortore, the ancient Frento; its ruins are stated to exist on the site of Civitate, about a mile from the right bank of the Fortore, and ten miles from the sea. Cramer, vol. ii. p. 273.

111 Now Teano, six miles from Sessa, and fifteen from Capua.

112 Pozzuolo.

113 M. Gossellin observes that from the head of the bay of Naples to the shores bordering the ancient Teanum, there are 80 minutes, or 933 stadia of 700.

114 Romanelli is of opinion that the ruins of Buca exist at the present Penna.

115 Book v. chap. iv. § 2, p. 359.

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