Progress of the War.
The spread of Disaffection in the Northwest--peace desired — Cries for a Convention — the South the Natural ally (!) of the Northwest.
The opposition to the
Lincoln Administration is becoming widespread in the
Northwest.
Debating Societies, political clubs, and all public occasions are made use of to show the tyrant that resistance to his reign is about to commence in that powerful section of his dominion.
A very able address was delivered a few days ago in
Chicago, by
Richard T. Merrick, before "The Young Men's Democratic Invincible Club." It discusses and riddles the emancipation proclamation of
Lincoln in an exhaustive way and very ably.
From the more rhetorical parts we extract the following, and commend it to the reader as a significant sign of the progress of opinion in the
West:
Can such a measure subdue the enemy?
Men of
Illinois, on the first day of January, if the
President, accomplishing the act which is to give effective operation to this decree, designates the States to which R. shall apply, there is not a man within those States who will not fly to arms.--Mothers will give up their children to the battle, and the cold blood of worn-out age, fired by this most accursed measure, will flow again with the restless ardor of youth, and the legions of the rebellion will advance a power you cannot subdue except at the cost of your own and your country's rain.
With the objects announced in this proclamation as the avowed purposes of the war, the
South cannot be subdued, and ought not to be subdued.
(Applause.) These men of the
South are blood of our blood and bone of our bone; and I appeal to you, men of
Illinois, to judge them by yourselves, and to answer what they will do by determining what you would do under the same circumstances, if in their places?
Were the
Federal Government, or any other power, to advance its armies upon this State, to desecrate our homes, destroy our rights, and Loren among us a horde of savages to revel in the indiscriminate massacre of our decrepit men, and our mothers, daughters and wives we would meet his power with defiance at the eastern border, burn every blade of grass upon our prairies, make every turf a soldier's sepulchre, and fight desperately to the end, until the last man in the
State should sink to his death in the crimsoned torrent of the
Mississippi on the west.
(Long and continued applause).
But if the
South should be subdued in such a war, our victory would be our defeat.
Subdue her, and what will follow?
How will we hold her, and how will we govern her?
Subdued to the purpose of the proclamation, and the States no longer coequal stare in the republican galaxy, but its pale and dishonored satellites, shedding forever throughout the system a baleful and pestilential light.
Tell me, men of
Illinois, how long has the
American heart cherished its hatred of
England, begot ten in the struggle of the Revolution?
We conquered in that great struggle and achieved our freedom.
Had we failed and been subjected to the jeers of
England, and that which we now regard as our greatest glory been our ever-present shame, would not our mothers, leading us in childhood to the graves of our fathers, and pointing from the place of the repose of their bodies to that of the repose of their souls, have sworn us, in the presence of the dead and of heaven, to redeem the past and avenge its wrongs?
(Immense applause)--Under the proclamation, when the
President issue that which it promises, this will have become to the
South as the war of the Revolution was to
America.
May the beneficent
Providence that has so long watched over and guided the nation suspend the visitation of its wrath, and teach the
Executive a wisdom and moderation which will stay his hand from this most desperate act.
Has
Italy forgotten, or did she ever forget and forgive, her subjugation by
Austria?
Does not the
Hungarian, amid the desolation of his country, still watch on the banks of the
Danube for the coming of the day when he may strike down the dominion of the Cæsars and restore the violated constitution of his country?
Has
Poland forgotten the wrongs long past, and is she quiet at the feet of the despots of
Europe?
Has
Ireland embraced the
English letter with obsequious love?
Tell me, exited sons of the "
Evergreen Island," why leap your hearts at the prospect of unfurling the banner of your adopted home against the power that rests upon the home you have left?
(Long continued applause)
To destroy the
Union and overthrow the
Constitution has been the object and the design of the Abolitionists from the first organization of that treasonable combination.
They commenced by assailing from
New England, the existence of a domestic institution with which she had nothing to do, except, in the beginning, to profit by fastening it on the country.--They perverted the literature of that section with the foul current of their sublimated philanthropy; and flinging hat from the temple of God the banner of the political propagandist, they silenced the mild voice of Christian charity, and denounced from the altar the maledictions of an embittered hatred against men of the same Christian denomination.
(applause.) They divided the churches into churches North and churches South, and refused to commune with Southern men. By sundering all the religious and social ties which bound the people together they carefully prepared the way for the disruption of the political ligament that united the country.
They announced to the world, in the language of
Garrison, as the cohesive principle of their party, that "this Union is a lie!
The American Union is an imposture, a covenant with death, and an agreement with hell!" Uniting themselves with the Republican party, they won an unlimited control over its actions and principles by their zealous, vigilant, and tireless enthusiasm, and heard long hoped for promise of their triumph in the declaration of
Mr. Lincoln that "this Union could not endue part slave and part free; that it must all become slave or all free."
Secession was not the necessary consequence of
Mr. Lincoln's election; but his election did make it necessary to guard, by proper additional guaranteed, the rights of the
South against the aggressive principles of his Abolition supporters, which he himself had condensed in such a meaning and significant expression.
I never recognized the right of secession, and now denounce the attempt on the part of the slave States as unjust, unconstitutional, treasonable, and sacrilegious; but I stated in the Presidential campaign that I was satisfied that any attempt to incorporate the policy of the radical portion of the Republican party into the policy of the
Federal Government would certainly produce most disastrous results.
The only adhesive principle of the party was animosity to an institution existing in States where that party was without an organization, and with which the
Federal Government had nothing to do.
I believed that the election of
Mr. Lincoln would create extended alarm throughout the
South, which, if not allayed in time, would result in secession, rebellion, and revolution.
So, thought the Democratic party.
But were these results necessary?
Could not the alarm have been relieved by measures honorable to all parties, and if it could, why was it not done?
The Administration could have averted the war, and it did not. Why?
It preferred the integrity of its party to the salvation of its country.
There are many good and conservative men in that party that are beginning to realize this truth, and they helped to magnify the grand triumph of the
Union and the
Constitution at the late elections in the great Central and Western States.
"But how," say the people, "shall we save the
Constitution and restore the
Union?" Filled with patriotic ardor, they ask that they may act.
I answer by peace — peace — peace.
(Applause) A peace not upon the basis of a separation, but a peace upon the basis of the
Union as it was. (Immense applause.)
But how shall this peace be reached?
By a National Convention of the people.
(Long continued applause.) Let the people meet in National Convention, and there in the same spirit of forbearance and wisdom and patriotism in which our fathers framed this Government, deliberate upon the disasters which now afflict it; and I feel a deep and earnest conviction that, under the providence of Almighty God, our country will be saved and the Union of the States restored (Applause.)
The true enemy to this Union is now, as it ever has been from the beginning, not
slavery, but
abolitionism. Abolitionism has from the beginning denounced the
Union; it refused to avert the war; it has made the
Executive violate the clear and unequivocal pledges under which it enlisted the most gallant soldiery that ever want to the field; it has prosecuted this war not to enforce the laws, but to violate laws; not to maintain the
Constitution, but to overthrow it; not to restore the
Union, but to make its restoration impossible and its dissolution a permanent fact — not to uphold the
Government, but to destroy slavery.
This fail-spirit of mischief must die that the nation may live.
(Long, continued applause.) But, if these men, whose public conduct it directs, still press forward to realize their design of destroying the
Union, it would be well that they temper the ardor of their zeal by a provident consideration of the results that will follow.
The great
West is made up of people gathered to it from every section of the
Union, and the tendrils of whose hearts go forth to bind them in the bonds of affection with each and all of the States.
But if disruption must come, and some of the States must separate from the other,
New England, falling as a debris from the grand rock of the
Union would leave its proportions more harmoniously rounded than they could remain after the less of any other portion (Long, continued applause) The Union is essential to the
West, and she intends to maintain it as our fathers made it with all her power and vigor.
But if her efforts in that direction are defeated,
she must look out for herself. (Applause)
Having homogeneous interests with the
South, she has ever seriously felt the inequality of her power in the Senate as compared with
New England, for the South and West, upon the great question of the tariff, have acted together.
But if the
South is to be reduced to a colonial vassalage, and deprived of her place in the Senate, then the
West will begin to calculate the justice of the present political arrangement.
She feels how that in this war she has done all the fighting and is paying all the taxes.--(Immense applause.) The high tariff, excused by the debt of the country, is enriching the manufacturer of
Massachusetts at the expense of the farmer of
Illinois, and that continually growing and increasing debt may make this unjust and injurious policy the permanent habit of the
Government.--The
West and the
South upon this question agree in that great principle of political economy that leaves trade unembarrassed by legislative enactments.
They would support the
Government and pay its debts, not by enriching capital at the expense of labor, but by taxing capital and protecting labor.
They would have, as the univocal rale of commerce throughout the world, " trade and sailors' rights." (Immense applause) In a contest on these principles, without her Southern ally, the
West would exercise a power in the
Government entirely disproportionate to her extent of area and her population.
Discussion in the Yankee Congress--Mr.
Vallandigham again — a separation to
come between the eastern and Western
United States--a plan for peace — Withdrawal
of both armies, &c.
Mr. Vallandigham has appeared again in the U. S. House of Representatives in a speech of so much interest that we give a synopsis of it. His propositions, while amounting to nothing, show how far the
West is ahead of the
East in its desire for peace:
He held that the cause which led to disunion was not eternal and ineradicable, and were weaker than those which tended to re-union; that slavery was not the cause, but only the development of the cause — sectionalism; that there was no irrepressible conflict between slavery and free labor, that the fundamental idea of the
Constitution is the perfect and eternal compatibility of a Union of States, part slave and part free; and that such a Union was the strongest of all possible Governments.
He contended that nothing kept as apart now but hate, antagonism, and revenge, and that war heats these passions seven times hotter, and while it lasts re-union, cannot commence.
The subjugation of the
South he regarded dispensable he explained the origin of the difference between
New England and the
South as growing out of diversity of manners, customs, law, religion, and social habits.
But he thought that there was a large conservative, anti-Puritan sentiment in
New England, which would of itself overcome narrow fanaticism, and should not be excluded.
He next held that the
Middle States and the
South could not separate from each other by reason of the geographical ties.
He said the
Northwest would not separate from the
South, and the day that saw a division between the slaveholding and non-slaveholding States would see a reparation between the West and East.
He held that the sole cause of controversy was slavery, and that the agitation of that subject as a political element must cease — that they must, return to the constitutional and actual basis of fifty years ago, the three-fifths rule, the return of ingitive slaves, and the transit and temporary sojourn of masters with their slaves in the free States.
This was the price of the
Union whenever they choose to pay it. He contended that the
South was equally interested with the
North in re-union, and that the cessation of the war would produce that result.
If the country was really tired of war, and thought enough blood had been shed and misery inflicted, he would make the following proposition;
Stop fighting, make an armistice, but not a final treaty; withdraw the Federal army from the seceded States and reduce the military establishments of both sections to a peace basts, declare free trade between the North and South agree upon a Zollversia, recall the fleets, terminate the blockade, restore travel, and do all things as before the war; elect a new
President in 1861, resume old relations, and their passions would be mellowed, tears dried, sorrow dispelled, and grace would again grow on the terrible battle-fields of this terrible war.
He denied that this was formal recognition, but informal as was the exchange of prisoners, flags of truce, &c. If it confessed disunion, it was only as the surgeon, who sets a fractured limb to heal it, admits that it is broken.
The Government had failed to crush out the rebellion, and would always fail.
He approved of mediation as a means of suspending hostilities, but objected to arbitration.--He pointed out the lessons of the war from which each party had learned to respect the power and valor of the other.
Mr. V. concluded by a reference to his readiness to yield up personal interests and the more material rewards of ambition just now to the future and the good of his country.--Whoever believed that war would restore the
Union; whoever was for a war for the abolition of slavery or disunion, and whoever demanded Southern independence and final separation, would not be satisfied with what he said.
But he had always been for the
Union, and would not surrender it now. In youth he desired to live to see the hundredth anniversary of American independence, and as creators exult in the growing glories and greatness of the still
United States, he hoped for it yet. If we secured peace now and began reunion, all would be well; if not, he saw nothing before us but revolution and anarchy.
Mr. Vallandigham's hour having expired,
Mr. Bingham said the speech of his colleague should not go unanswered.
It was an apology for secession.
When the gentleman history he should do it correctly.
It charged that the movements looking to secession commenced at the
South before
Abraham Lincoln was elected.
He charged that there would have been no rebellion now but for the course of the gentleman and his friends, and their cry of no coercion.
The act of
James Buchanan, in refusing to coerce the rebel States, was the cause of the protracted war and that act was sustained by the gentleman and his party.
If
Mr. Lincoln had followed the footsteps of his predecessor, and refused to coerce or interfere, it would have been a confession that the
Government was unable to defend itself, and the result would have been disruption.
But he acted differently.
He called out an army to defend the
Government.
He had no doubt the gentleman was greatly grieved thereat.
He held that the only way by which the
Union and the
Constitution could be maintained was by force of arms, but the gentleman declared that he had never voted a dollar for the purposes of war. If every member of the
House had imitated his example they would have had nothing to protect them from rebels in arms.
He charged that the Democratic party, or that public which coincided with the gentleman, were largely responsible for all the blood shed in the war. His colleague was, at the same moment, for Union and disunion; he deprecated separation, but his conclusions were sadly at issue with his promises.
In the course of the debate
Mr. Vallandigham asked
Mr. Bingham if he would be willing to stop the war if he knew the
South would return under the
Constitution to the
Union.
Mr. Bingham replied that he did not think the gentleman had authority from his master,
Jeff. Davis, to make the proposition in his name.
He held that no Government could submit to rebels in arms and survive.
The question to day was, should the
Republic live and should they bequeath it to their children?
and to accomplish that the expenditure of blood and of treasure was as nothing.
Mr. Wright said he was a peace man, but not of the style of the gentleman from
Ohio, (
Mr. Vallandigham.) He had been astonished at his suggestions, and they met with no favor from him. He was in favor of prosecuting the war till the rebels submitted.
He referred to the messages of the
Governors of
Virginia and
North Carolina, and the speeches of
Jeff. Davis, to show that the
South would listen to no terms of peace but such as involved separation.
He wanted to know then how the gentleman from
Ohio expected to get peace?
Mr. Vallandigham.--By the ballot-box.
The people of the
South will supersede all Governments who stand in the way of peace, just as the people of the
North have done the same thing.
Mr. Wright said the
Northern elections had been misinterpreted.
Because Democrat had been elected, it did not follow they were peace men.--He did not believe
Jeff. Davis would receive a delegation of the latter.
But if the war failed for want of unity, the memory of those who embarrassed it would be as detestable as that of the cowboys of the Revolution.
Mr. Vallandigham.--Amen.
Mr. Wright.--My friend says amen.
He needs a straight jacket.
Mr. Vallandigham.--Land me yours.
Mr. Wright.--If you get it you will have on a better Democratic coat than you ever wore before.
Mr. Wright continued to argue that they had the power to put down the rebellion, and peace should be based on crushing it out. He was equally opposed to subjugation and to a dishonorable peace.
If they ever consented to an armistice, the next question would be one of boundary, and there was no use of talking about taking up arms again.
he adverted at no considerable length to the difficulty of establishing a boundary, and said, having sacrifices 300,000 lives, it would be better to sacrifice 300,000 more than to consent to separation.
Fight was the watchword, and fight for the restoration of the
Union alone.
The
House adjourned.
A Federal General sold.
The following dispatch from the
Northern press tells how cheaply
Gen. Boyle, the
Federal commander at
Louisville, Ky., was sold by
General Morgan:
Louisville, Dec. 30.--
Morgan reached a point on the railroad this side of Munfordsville on Friday morning. His operator, a man named And, who lately left the
Louisville office, immediately attached his instrument, and sent a dispatch to
Gen. Boyle, as if from
Gen. Granger.
This stated that
Morgan was in the vicinity of
Bowling Green, intending making an attack and asking for aid.
Gen. Boyle made answer that he could not give him any.
Gen. Granger (
Morgan) than asked if there were no troops in
Louisville which could be sent to his aid.
Gen. Boyle sent word that there were no troops in
Louisville at all.
Gen. Granger asked
Boyle what disposition had been made of the troops.
Gen. Boyle told him the force and position of his troops, spoke of their efficiency, etc., and gave all the information in regard to them that
Morgan wanted.
Morgan then sent, in his own name, a polite message to
Boyle, calling him "a bright youth and smart boy," ending with characteristic vulgarity.
The operator then sent a love letter to his sweetheart in
Lexington, and a note to the operator at
Louisville to forward, and closed the office he had established.
A man that found Morgan.
The Louisville
Journal, speaking of the surrender of the
Yankee commander at
Hartsville, says:
‘
It appears that
Col. Moore was in command of the brigade that surrendered so shamefully to
Jno. Morgan at
Hartsville.
We are not informed what State sent him to the wars, but we believe he is one of the new volunteers.
We shall wait till we see him in his night cap before we trouble ourselves to make many inquiries concerning him.
We suppose that a good many of our citizens remember this
Colonel.
He made a speech in our city a few days ago — we don't know on what occasion — in front of the
Galt House.
At that time he was evidently all on fire with the expectation of what he was going to accomplish, especially in the way of annihilating
John Morgan. "Oh," said he, "just let me got after this terrible
Morgan that you all talk so much about, and I'll settle his bash for him in the shortest kind of order." Soon after he set forth upon his expedition, inquiring everywhere for
Morgan.
Of every traveler and every farmer that he met he demanded, "Have you seen
Morgan?." All day and half the night it was "
Morgan,
Morgan,
Morgan." When he was ordered to
Hartsville he exclaimed, "I pray God I may see
Morgan." He saw
Morgan.
’
