previous next
18. The enemy, on the arrival of Gaius Claudius, by whom as commander they recalled that recently at the Scultenna river they had been defeated and put to flight, with a view to defending themselves by the protection of the country rather than by arms against an attack which had turned out [p. 239]unhappily1 for them, occupied the two mountains,2 Letum and Ballista, and in addition surrounded them by a wall. [2] Those who were slow in moving from the fields were cut off and destroyed to the number of fifteen hundred; the rest kept within the mountains and not even in their fear forgetting their natural fierceness, they raged against the booty which had been taken at Mutina. [3] The prisoners they slew after mutilating them cruelly; the beasts they butchered, scattered among the shrines, rather than sacrificed according to ritual. Sated with the slaughter of their living plunder, things which were inanimate, utensils of every sort, made for use rather than as ornaments to be looked at, they dashed against the walls.3 The consul Quintus Petilius, fearing lest the war should be finished in his absence, wrote to Gaius Claudius that he should bring the army to meet him in Gaul: he would await them, he said, at Campi Macri.4 [4] Claudius, on receipt of the letter, moved his camp from the Ligurian territory and at Campi Macri turned his army over to the consul. Thither a few days later Gaius Valerius, the other consul, came. There, dividing their forces, before they separated the two jointly purified the armies. [5] Then, because they had determined that the two should not approach the enemy from the same direction, they cast lots for the districts to which they should direct their march. It was evident that Valerius cast his lot in accordance with the requirements for auspices, because he was in the consecrated [p. 241]space; the augurs later declared that this fault had5 existed in the case of Petilius —namely, [6] the lot, which had been cast into the urn outside of the consecrated space, had been drawn by him while he was still outside of the consecrated area, although he should have been inside of it.6 From Campi Macri they marched in different directions. Petilius had his camp facing the height of Ballista and Letum, which joins these mountains with a continuous ridge. [7] Then, while he was encouraging the soldiers before the assembly, not thinking of the double meaning of the word, they said that he used the ominous expression that on that day he would gain Letum.7 He began to march up the hills in front on two sides at once. The column in which he himself was advanced vigorously. [8] When the enemy had repulsed the other, Petilius, in order to restore the wavering line, riding up on his horse, did indeed rally his men from their flight, but he himself, while riding before the standards with too little caution, fell struck with a javelin. But the enemy did not perceive that the commander had been killed, and the few of his own men who had seen it concealed his body with great care, knowing that victory depended on it. [9] The rest of the body of infantry and cavalry dislodged the enemy and took the mountains without their general. About five thousand of the Ligurians were killed: of the Roman army fifty-two fell. [10] In addition to this so manifest fulfilment of an omen of evil, it was [p. 243]also learned from the keeper of the chickens8 that9 there had been a flaw in the auspices, and that the consul had not been unaware of this. Gaius Valerius, hearing. . . [11] .10 Those who were skilled in the rules of religion and in public law said that, since the two regular consuls of the year had perished, the one from disease, the other in battle, a substituted consul could not properly conduct an election . . [13] .11 brought them down.

[16]

1 Cf. supra, xii. 8.

2 B.C. 176

3 Most editors bracket either ornamento or in speciem as a gloss on the other. I have retained both, also the MS. adfligunt for the commonly accepted conjecture adfigunt; having finished with human beings they vented their rage upon inanimate objects.

4 In the territory of Modena.

5 B.C. 176

6 The state of the text and our ignorance of the details of sortitio prevent our coming nearer than an approximation to the meaning. It is particularly difficult to determine what happened since the error of Petilius was so slight that it escaped detection at the time.

7 As a common noun, letum means “death.” Valerius Maximus (I. v. 9) tells the same story: Hodie ego Letum utique capiam.

8 The manner of feeding of the sacred chickens determined whether the omens were favourable or unfavourable. The auspices were often taken thus before a battle.

9 B.C. 176

10 The loss of nearly an entire quaternion of V (see critical note) makes it impossible to determine the rest of the sentence. Livy's narrative recognizes the rashness of Petilius (cf. especially incautius ante signa in sec. 4), but the senate seems to have emphasized his bravery when it decreed that the legion was remiss in the performance of its duty, that its year's pay should be withheld and its wages reduced: cf. Valerius Maximus II. vii. 15 (confirmed by the briefer account in Frontinus, Stratagems IV. i. 46): Graviter senatus tulit, quod Q. Petilium consulem fortissime adversus Ligures pugnantem occidere milites passi essent. Legioni neque stipendium anni procedere neque aera dari voluit, quia pro salute imperatoris se telis non obtulerant.

[12] Since V has suffered an equally heavy loss at the end of chap. xix., it is impossible to tell whether there was in Livy some reference to Macedonia.

11 Sigonius inserted here this sentence quoted by Priscian (see the critical note) from Book XLI. It is obviously concerned with this year, since at no other time covered by this Book did both the regular consuls die in office. It appears that a consul suffectus, i.e. one elected to fill a vacancy, could not preside at an election. Their only recourse, [14??] then, was the appointment of an interrex, and this procedure and the elections for the year 175 B.C. were no doubt described in the text lost between posse and deduxit. The last word may refer to some such compulsory migrations as described in XL. xxxviii.

[15] The names of the magistrates for 175 B.C. can be recovered from the Fasti and other sources. The consuls were Mucius Scaevola (xix. 1 below) and M. Aemilius Lepidus II (Oros. IV. xx. 34). The praetors were C. Popilius Laenas, T. Annius Luscus, C. Memmius Gallus (?), C. Cluvius Saxula, Ser. Cornelius Sulla, Ap. Claudius Cento.

Creative Commons License
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 United States License.

An XML version of this text is available for download, with the additional restriction that you offer Perseus any modifications you make. Perseus provides credit for all accepted changes, storing new additions in a versioning system.

load focus Notes (W. Weissenborn, H. J. Müller, 1911)
load focus Notes (W. Weissenborn, 1880)
load focus Summary (Latin, Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D., 1938)
load focus Summary (Latin, W. Weissenborn, H. J. Müller, 1911)
load focus Summary (English, Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D., 1938)
load focus Latin (W. Weissenborn, 1876)
load focus Latin (Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. and Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D., 1938)
load focus English (William A. McDevitte, Sen. Class. Mod. Ex. Schol. A.B.T.C.D., 1850)
load focus English (Rev. Canon Roberts, 1912)
load focus Latin (W. Weissenborn, H. J. Müller, 1911)
hide Dates (automatically extracted)
Sort dates alphabetically, as they appear on the page, by frequency
Click on a date to search for it in this document.
175 BC (2)
hide References (45 total)
hide Display Preferences
Greek Display:
Arabic Display:
View by Default:
Browse Bar: