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lled. Elsewhere, the Liberator's cry, No Union with Slaveholders! (now printed weekly at the head of the paper) was caught up and re-echoed in the abolition ranks—by the Western New York Anti-Slavery Society, in Feb. 5-7, 1845; Lib. 15.33. February; by a vast majority of the Eastern Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society at Kennett, in August. In Ohio, the Aug. 11-13; Lib. 15.135, 142. Anti-Slavery Bugle was founded as the disunion organ of the Ohio American Anti-Slavery Society. Lib. 15.10table Lib. 15.113. annex ation of Texas, repudiating disunion. His counter measure was to enlarge the area of freedom—as if the South did not provide for that by coupling the admission of a slave State with that of a free State. Already, in February, Florida had been thus admitted into the Union, paired with Lib. 15.34, 39. Iowa, in spite of the intense Northern feeling against more slave States aroused in the case of Texas; in spite, too, of the Florida Constitution making slavery perpetu
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 11: George Thompson, M. P.—1851. (search)
ed to the North the real meaning of the Fugitive Slave Law as a precursor of disunion and civil war. The other three were the rendition of Thomas Sims, the Christiana (Pa.) armed encounter, in which a slaveholder and his son were slain (Lib. 21: 151, 155, 158, 161, 163, 169, 175, [182], 193, 202; 22: 5), and the Jerry rescue at Syracuse, N. Y. The war—or, more properly, then as in 1861, the pro-slavery invasion—in fact began with the execution of the law, as was first made clear when, on February Lib. 21.30. 15, 1851, pending a postponement of Shadrach's case before Commissioner George T. Curtis, in Boston, the prisoner was lost to view in the crowd of his own color that filled the court-room. This simple incident, which would scarcely have furnished the press with a police item had a pickpocket been thus spirited away, created a prodigious uproar at Washington. The head and front of the offending, in this instance— what is it? Lib. 21.30. asked Mr. Garrison a week later. <
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 14: the Nebraska Bill.—1854. (search)
d the incoming of emigrants from abroad, and an indefinite number of slave States creatable to maintain the Senate as the impregnable bulwark of the Slave Power—the reaction, we say, was immediate and tremendous, but as futile after as before the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act. It was all very well to hang Douglas in effigy—for Lib. 24.38, 51, 55, 59, 63. legislatures to protest, and eleven hundred women led by Mrs. Stowe to remonstrate, and the New England clergy to Lib. 24.33, 35; Ms. Feb. (18?), 1854, Mrs. Stowe to W. L. G. Lib. 24:[42], 57. come out in a petition more than three thousand strong, embracing the chiefs of all the denominations and the most conspicuous censors of the abolitionists, like Lyman Lib. 24.57. Beecher, Francis Wayland, and Leonard Bacon. This memorial was received by the pro-slavery press North and South with the utmost contumely (Lib. 24: 50, 53), and with marked coarseness by Senator Douglas (Lib. 24: [42], 54). All this, wrote Mr. Garrison, is e