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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 539 1 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 88 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 58 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 54 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Women and Men 54 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Book and heart: essays on literature and life 44 0 Browse Search
Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir 39 1 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition. 38 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, The new world and the new book 38 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2 36 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for Americans or search for Americans in all documents.

Your search returned 14 results in 9 document sections:

ig.-Gen. Wm. F. Barry, U. S. A. Manassas Junction, July 22d. By Divine favor we are again victorious. To God be the glory. The armies of the North and South yesterday faced each other — the former not less than 50,000 men, This is an error — the Federal force amounted to only 33,000, including reserves. Gen. McDowell's Report states 18,000 only were engaged. W. F. B. the latter not exceeding 30,000--and wrestled together for six long hours, with that desperate courage which Americans only can show. I proceed to give you, as near as I can, a full and detailed history of that terrible battle, which will, through all time, make famous Bull Run and the plains of Manassas. On Friday, the 19th, Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, who had commanded the army of the Shenandoah, posted at Winchester, arrived at Manassas Junction with four thousand of his division, to reinforce Gen. Beauregard. The remainder of his army (with the exception of a sufficient force to hold Winchester) were i
is a special pass, (here I half-imagined a doubt of the character of the regiment flashed in for a second,) a pass from General Scott. The manner and the tone indicated that the speaker and his errand were entitled to attention. Pass this man up, shouted the colonel somewhat bluntly and impatient of delay; and on galloped the representative of the Thunderer toward Washington. * * * * * * * * * * * * Now, the art of bragging and the habit of exaggeration are vices to which all we Americans are but too much addicted. But if I say that my friend T------and myself stood in the midst of this melee much more impressed with its ludicrous picturesqueness than with any idea of personal danger, my friend at least would agree that this was the simple truth. The brief parley of Our correspondent suggested merely the thought that it was a pity such a stranger should be annoyed by such a crowd; Pd better say: Colonel, this is Mr. Russell of the London Times; pray don't detain him. How
it that the incidence of the tax is on income? or that personal property is taxed? or that real property is taxed? Well, we have the tax in all these shapes, and have had it these last eighteen years. Suppose, when the Russian war was at its height, some of our New York contemporaries had said: A Constitutional Monarchy which, for warlike purposes, raises one hundred millions sterling in the year, and which imposes an income tax on real and personal property, is certainly a model which Americans ought neither to admire nor imitate --what should we have said to the argument? Should we not have derided their pettifogging estimate of human interests, and held them up to contempt as a miserable race, incapable of sentiment, chivalry, and glory? Yet this is precisely what Englishmen are now told they ought to have said themselves. We do not wonder that Balaam struck his ass, if the animal he rode was half as stupid as ours. Having been furnished with this new test, let us apply i
ally and absolutely renounced. The poor quibble of double allegiance must be disavowed. An American--and not a New Yorker, nor a Virginian — is the noble title by which we are to live, and which you, my young friends, must, in your respective spheres, contribute to make live, however it may cost in blood and money. Go forth, then. my young friends — go forth as citizens of the Great Continental American Republic — to which your first, your constant, your latest hopes in life should attach — and abating no jot of obedience to Municipal or State authority within the respective limits of each — bear yourselves always, and everywhere, as Americans — as fellow-countrymen of Adams, and Ellsworth, and Jay, and Jefferson, and Carroll, and Washington, and Pinckney — as heirs of the glories of Bunker Hill, and Saratoga, and Monmouth, and Yorktown, and Eutaw Springs, and New Orleans, and suffer no traitor hordes to despoil you, of such rich inheritance or so grand and gloriou
rs ago, the whole American people held their National Government to be the best the world ever saw, and their Union the most sacred object of their attachment as Americans, millions of them are now engaged in a fierce and desperate effort to destroy both, even though in doing so they destroy the best hope and refuge of freedom on tstant South Carolina, great-hearted Christopher Gadsden answered back--There ought to be no New England man, no New Yorker, known on the continent, but all of us Americans. And in the very hour of the Union's birth-throes Patrick Henry flashed upon the Congress of 1774, these lightning words: all America is thrown into one mass. h of this tie is treason — the highest crime known to the laws of man, and which falls under the special condemnation of the Word of God, but which, in this day, Americans, and, I grieve to say, those who claim to be Christians, rush into, as if it were a merit and a glory to destroy the best government that ever wielded the destin
round was a sickening sight. Along the brink of that bluff lay ten bodies, stiffening in their own gore, in every contortion which their death anguish had produced. Others were gasping in the last agonies, and still others were writhing with horrible but not mortal wounds, surrounded by the soldiers whom they really believed to be about to plunge the bayonets to their hearts. Never before had I so ghastly a realization of the horrid nature of this fraternal struggle. These men were all Americans — men whom we had once been proud to claim as countrymen — some of them natives of our own Northern States. One poor fellow was shot through the bowels. The ground was soaked with his blood. I stooped and asked him if any thing could be done to make him more comfortable; he only whispered I'm so cold! He lingered for nearly an hour, in terrible agony. Another — young, and just developing into vigorous manhood — had been shot through the head by a large Minie ball. The skull was shoc
his honored length of years, and his eminent public services, and for the rectitude of his private life, that he may be justly ranked among the most illustrious Americans of our day. You propose to make this act of the President valid without making a defence of it, either on legal or constitutional grounds? What would be the effa government without limitations, and radically to change our frame and character of Government. I was told the other day by a distinguished American, that many Americans abroad, when asked this question about the present condition of things here, We thought your Federal Government rested on consent, and how do you propose to mainr, in which he said the Southern States must be subdued, and, at the end of this contest, there would be no Virginians, as such, or Carolinians, but all would be Americans. I call on Senators to defend the constitutionality of these acts, or else admit that they carry on this contest without regard to the Constitution. I content
ng this great effort. The Senator alludes, in his speech, to a conversation he had with some very intelligent gentleman who formerly represented our country abroad. It appears from that conversation that foreigners were accustomed to say to Americans, I thought your Government existed by consent; now how is it to exist? and the reply was, We intend to change it; we intend to adapt it to our condition; these old colonial geographical divisions and States will ultimately be rubbed out, and w they would stop the march until again the flag of this Union would be placed over the graves of those distinguished men. There will be an uprising. Do not talk about Republicans now; do not talk about Democrats now; do not talk about Whigs or Americans now: talk about your country and the Constitution and the Union. Save that; preserve the integrity of the Government; once more place it erect among the nations of the earth; and then if we want to divide about questions that may arise in our
re to it, is no longer to be regarded as that bond of Union. It is not enough to tell me that it has been violated by seceded States. It has not been violated by those States that have not seceded, and if the Constitution is thus to be put aside, these States may pause to inquire what is to become of their liberties. Mr. President, we are on the wrong track, and we have been from the beginning, and the people are beginning to see it. We have been hurling hundreds to death. The blood of Americans has been shed by their own hands, and for what? They have shown their prowess and bravery alike, and for what? It has been to carry out principles that three-fourths of them abhor. For the principles contained in this bill, and continually avowed on the floor of this Senate, are not shared, I will venture to say, by three-fourths of your army. I said, sir, we have been on the wrong track, Nothing but utter ruin to the North, to the South, to the East, and to the West will follow the pr