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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 539 1 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 88 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 58 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Women and Men 54 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 54 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Book and heart: essays on literature and life 44 0 Browse Search
Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir 39 1 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, The new world and the new book 38 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition. 38 0 Browse Search
Bliss Perry, The American spirit in lierature: a chronicle of great interpreters 36 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir. You can also browse the collection for Americans or search for Americans in all documents.

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During the winter nothing further was done about Motley; but the President received from several sources reports in regard to the Minister's social treatment of Americans which displeased him. I fancy the stories were exaggerated, but it was said that Motley ignored his compatriots, and that his deference for the aristocracy was sadorned his position that I should have been glad to see him remain. I told him he ought to do every thing in his power to cultivate American society; to invite Americans to his house, to make himself liked by them. He took my advice after a fashion; held Saturday receptions for Americans and made a Fourth of July party for them.Americans and made a Fourth of July party for them. But it did no good, for he asked no English to meet them, and the Americans felt themselves excluded from the society to which their Minister was admitted as their representative. I also urged Motley, if he was anxious to please the President, to make much of the envoys of the Central and South American Republics. I thought if
t to prove that the action of the British Government during the war had not been so hostile as Americans supposed. They especially claimed that the recognition of belligerency had not the significaned by the selection of Lord Ashburton and Lord Elgin as plenipotentiaries. Not, he said, that Americans thought more of lords than of other men, but they knew that the English did, and that thereforted war. For the feeling in England ran very high. At times it was positively offensive to Americans, especially official ones. More than once at clubs and dinners I had to resent remarks that nould and must be found; that England and America must not differ seriously. I doubt whether Americans except in Government circles knew how near we were to a tremendous conflict. The Government, y deserve to Fish and Schenck and Evarts and Bancroft Davis and Cushing and Waite—and no other Americans have earned equal credit in our day for any single act of civil life—still Grant was the head;
ct, more than one member of the British Legation affected an indifference to etiquette in regard to the President and his family that was more democratic than even democrats approved. I remember Lady Thornton saying to me at a party at Mrs. Fish's, when Mrs. Grant was present: How different all this would be in England! There nobody would dream of being seated while the Queen was standing. Yet my lady remained in her chair when the wife of the President entered the room, and a good many Americans rose. I doubt, however, if at that time Lady Thornton had ever been at court in London. I was assured in England that this wife of a diplomatist once declared she had met only two ladies in all America; whereupon a genuine aristocrat exclaimed: But Lady Thornton is hardly a judge—she has known so few at home. Her ladyship, you see, was born in the middle class. General Grant, however, as President, desired to be recognized as Head of the State; he was always served first at his own t
e. It was an unfair accusation, but not unnatural, I suppose, in one who thought he had himself suffered unjustly at Grant's hands; still, it showed a belief that Grant would execute his determination. The country at home had the same belief in his inflexibility, and felt that he would carry out whatever policy he might adopt. Thus after it was known that he had accepted the decision of the Commission both sides breathed freer: they knew that whatever happened there would be no war. All Americans abroad, Democrats as well as Republicans, expressed this confidence; I often heard political opponents declare they were glad that Grant was in power, for at least he would preserve peace; and perhaps there were some who were not sorry to be restrained. It was no reproach to their courage to submit to what Grant was sure to enforce. His presence in the Presidential chair at this time doubtless did much, not only to allay the anxiety of the country, but to produce and preserve that peace
ry where such matters are regarded as important, he was not willing that General Grant should suffer what might seem like an indignity. But at first the English were not inclined to make any distinction in favor of General Grant. They said: Americans give their ex-Presidents no rank, why should we? When Pierrepont pointed out that ex-Kings received peculiar honors, he was told that they were born in the purple; the ex-King of Hanover was the Queen's own cousin. They forgot that the ex-Empglish people of rank who didn't know me went down on their knees to my friends, imploring invitations. This sounds preposterous; nevertheless it is true. All this was very pleasant to those who were fond of the General, and agreeable to any Americans who regarded him as an especial representative; he did not himself pretend to be indifferent; but the aristocratic courtesies were insignificant compared with his reception by the common people of England. The high society has its sensation ev
l on one point at least. I think she felt sorry that she had left me out and wanted to atone; at any rate she made me feel very pleasant for a moment or two in spite of my disappointment. General Grant had received, since his arrival at Windsor, a telegram from the Grand Army of the Republic, which was holding its annual re-union on that day, and had sent its congratulations to its ancient chief. I took the opportunity to speak of this as indicating the satisfaction which a million of Americans felt at the compliment the Queen was paying to their representative; and the royal features beamed again. There is indeed a charm of expression, a winning smile that comes over Her Majesty's countenance, a grace of demeanor when she means to be gracious, which is more than ordinary. It was not because she was a queen, for I have been well received by other queens; and at this moment, as may be supposed, I was not altogether in the mood to admire; but the plain little woman conquered me w
d there—Jubulpore—it was because no official had the spare room for our accommodation. The impression made on him in China was profound. I quote a few lines on this theme: My visit through China was a pleasant one, though the country presents no attractions to invite the visitor to make the second trip. From Canton to Pekin my reception by the civil and military authorities was the most cordial ever extended to any foreigner, no matter what his rank. The fact is, the Chinese like Americans better, or rather, perhaps, hate them less, than any other foreigners. The reason is palpable. We are the only Power that recognizes their right to control their own domestic affairs. My impression is that China is on the eve of a great revolution that will land her among the nations of progress. They have the elements of great wealth and great power too, and not more than a generation will pass before she will make these elements felt. Grant often said to me that the four greatest
ard any more about the translation; but Catacazy was not the only foreign minister who wanted to translate Grant's history when he was President, and afterwards forgot to carry out the plan. The next summer I returned to Europe, and remained abroad for several years, so that I can only tell this part of my story at second-hand. Catacazy being a born intriguer, soon got into complications of a personal character with the State Department. It is an intricate story; there was a claim of Americans against the Russian Government, on account of arms furnished during the Crimean war. The claim was not pressed very earnestly by the State Department, yet Catacazy seemed very much concerned; it was the only important business intrusted to him by his Government. At any rate, he resorted to the newspapers, and published attacks on the State Department, and even on the President and his family, which were traced directly to his pen. Sworn affidavits proved the authorship. When he was calle
countrymen when they had rebelled, and never in his career was he cruel with any personal reason; but now, as in the Wilderness and in the Valley of Virginia, grave public considerations overcame the natural softness of his nature. Such action may be as truly magnanimous in the original meaning of the word, as the clemency that is more admired; and had Grant not possessed the quality of a Brutus he would not have achieved what he did for his country and his own renown. But there are few Americans with whom it is necessary to defend his action toward the unfortunate Maximilian. When the Mexican Republic was reestablished, Romero was recalled to a place in the Home Government—a fitting reward of his services, which were indeed the most arduous, and perhaps the most effectual rendered to his country in her time of trial. For this representative had the true diplomatic talent; he perceived the influence of General Grant at this crisis, as well as his sympathies, and did his best to
d to signify their sorrow. The sons of Robert E. Lee and Albert Sidney Johnston were among the first to proffer good wishes to him whom their fathers had fought. Political opponents were as outspoken as partisan friends, and the bitterest enemies of General Grant in the daily press were generous and constant in the expression of their interest. Rivals in the army like Buell and Rosecrans made known that the calamity which impended over the nation was a sorrow for them, because they were Americans. Mr. Jefferson Davis more than once uttered kind words which were conveyed to the sufferer. The new Secretary of War of the Democratic administration called in person; the new Secretary of State sent remedies and good wishes. The new President dispatched the Marshal of the District of Columbia from Washington to make inquiries. Ex-President Hayes and ex-Secretary Lincoln had called long before. State legislatures voted their commiseration; the Queen of England telegraphed her condolen
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